Chad Kunkle wrote an article in the American magazine "The National Interest" in which he said that during the past month, the "War Powers Resolution in Yemen" was withdrawn from voting in the US Senate, and that if the resolution had been approved, it would have ended the direct US military intervention in the Saudi war in Yemen. The bill was withdrawn by its sponsor, Democratic Senator Bernie Sanders.
According to the article, "This step came after President Joe Biden and his administration promised to veto the resolution if it passed, and urged other senators to vote against the bill." This is what the magazine considered "another major setback in efforts to end US involvement in a conflict that has resulted in one of the most devastating and least discussed humanitarian crises of our time."
This war has caused enormous suffering to the Yemeni people, as it has caused civilian casualties, diseases, internal displacement and famine in the population.
Ending US involvement in this conflict has garnered bipartisan support in Congress over the years despite many failed attempts to pass forms of the Yemen War Powers Resolution (YWPR). The move hit many roadblocks, such as a veto of legislation by President Donald Trump, but it also saw some recent successes, as Biden reversed some of the policies pursued by his predecessors, vowing to stop supporting offensive Saudi military operations and remove the Houthis from the terrorist designation list.
However, these transitions have largely failed to address the key issues that have kept this conflict and all the atrocities associated with it running. The United States has remained the main supplier of weapons to Saudi Arabia, and many US-made aircraft and weapons used in offensive operations by the (Saudi) coalition receive maintenance and support from the US military and US contractors long after Biden pledged to end this support. The Biden administration justified its decision to press against the current iteration of the draft "Yemen war power resolution" by claiming that the situation on the ground had changed, with a UN truce managing to reduce violence for most of 2022 and keeping Saudi airstrikes at bay — even after the truce. The armistice ended in October. The US administration fears that passing the draft resolution will harm the peace process by weakening Saudi Arabia's position at the negotiating table, while critics of the move argue that this leaves the door open for Saudi Arabia to launch a new bombing campaign with the help of the United States.
This decision also appears to be a dangerous reversal on the part of Biden and many key foreign policy officials. Senior Biden associates, such as US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, have signed letters to Trump (perhaps he means Biden) supporting past iterations of the "Yemen War Powers Resolution," and Biden's promise to make Saudi Arabia a pariah in his presidential campaign. The move to block the Yemen War Powers Resolution appears to be the latest example of a major shift in the administration's attitude toward the Saudis, which has garnered considerable attention since Biden's visit to the kingdom last July, which was marked by Biden's failure to secure increased oil production by the Saudis. And the rest of OPEC Plus.
Thus, it seems that the US administration is blocking the decision in another attempt to appease the Saudis, preceded by a recommendation from the administration to grant Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman immunity in a lawsuit filed against him by Jamal Khashoggi's fiancée, in addition to continuing arms sales to the kingdom. Meanwhile, Mohammed bin Salman recently hosted Chinese President Xi Jinping and signed several investment deals with Beijing. This was the final step to increase ties between Saudi Arabia and China. It is clear that this evolving relationship, compared to the marked deterioration in US-Saudi relations, is causing concern in Washington.
The author of the article added that while such developments may cause major changes in US policy in the Middle East, the potential results do not justify a worrisome response that includes appeasement, facilitating disasters such as the war in Yemen. The United States has the ability to invest in alternative energy sources, including domestic oil production. A Saudi shift toward China would also incentivize the United States to define its relationship more clearly with Saudi Arabia, disengaging itself from the frustrating and often contradictory status of quasi-alliance that constrains the flexibility of US policy in the region.
He continued: Attempts to distance countries from their natural interests rarely lead to success, and it is reasonable to assert that the world's largest oil exporter seeks closer relations with its largest buyer is a natural development, especially since the Saudi economy is almost entirely dependent on oil exports. In addition, China's emerging interest in Saudi Arabia will be complicated by Beijing's long-standing attachment to Iran.
The writer concludes by saying that the war in Yemen has been a disaster, and the desperate and unnecessary attempts to prevent Saudi Arabia from pursuing alternative relations to America are no reason for the United States to continue aiding destruction by providing direct military assistance. The decision to seek to rein in that potential is worth the potential disruption of long-term policy, especially when that policy is not feasible to US interests and more beneficial alternatives exist.
It is noteworthy that the Saudi Foreign Minister discussed the Yemeni file in Switzerland with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Yemen, Hans Grundberg, and stated that the war in Yemen must end through negotiation.
It is noteworthy that, last October, Sanaa announced that negotiations to extend the UN armistice in Yemen had reached a dead end, after Saudi Arabia refused to pay the salaries of public servants from the revenues of oil and gas produced from the Yemeni governorates, to stop the war and lift the blockade on the country.
A human rights report was issued late last month and documented "the crimes of the US-Saudi aggression during the year 2022", and indicated that the number of victims reached 3,083 deaths and wounded civilians (643 deaths and 2,440 wounded).
It is noteworthy that Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan discussed the Yemeni file in Switzerland with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Yemen, Hans Grundberg, and stated that the war in Yemen must end through negotiation.
It is noteworthy that, last October, Sanaa announced that negotiations to extend the UN armistice in Yemen had reached a dead end, after Saudi Arabia refused to pay the salaries of public servants from the revenues of oil and gas produced from the Yemeni governorates, to stop the war and lift the blockade on the country.
A human rights report was issued late last month and documented "the crimes of the US-Saudi aggression during the year 2022", and indicated that the number of victims reached 3,083 martyrs and wounded civilians (643 martyrs and 2,440 wounded).
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