Media Review, Media Bias: War and Language

Media Review, Media Bias: War and Language

    Sunday, July 19, 2026   No comments

How Arab State Media Narrate Conflict and Risk Their Own Survival

In the theater of modern warfare, language is a weapon of geopolitical alignment. Since the Arab Spring of 2011, state-controlled and state-aligned media across the Arab world have increasingly functioned as extensions of foreign policy. By carefully curating their lexicons, these outlets signal bias, legitimize certain military actions, and delegitimize others. Today, as the region grapples with the fallout of the US and Israeli war on Iran, the selective outrage embedded in Gulf media narratives is not only distorting reality but also planting the seeds of domestic instability.

The blueprint for this linguistic weaponization was clearly established during the Yemen conflict and the subsequent 2017 Gulf diplomatic crisis. When the Saudi-led coalition intervened in Yemen, a stark divergence in media framing emerged. Saudi-aligned outlets consistently employed highly charged, valorizing terminology: Saudi casualties were exclusively referred to as "شهداء" (martyrs), while Yemeni casualties were described as "أشخاص قُتلوا على يد القوات السعودية العادلة" (persons killed by the righteous Saudi forces).

In contrast, Aljazeera, based in Qatar, adopted a more neutral, journalistic lexicon, consistently using the word "قتلى" (killed) for casualties on all sides. This seemingly minor semantic difference carried immense political weight. It challenged the moral absolutism of the Saudi narrative. The threat this posed to Riyadh’s geopolitical project was so profound that, in 2017, Saudi Arabia and its allies issued a list of demands to Qatar to end the blockade, prominently featuring the immediate and permanent shutdown of Al Jazeera. That demand, as history has shown, went nowhere, but it established a lasting precedent: in the eyes of certain Arab states, neutral language is an act of political defiance.

This pattern has reached a dangerous apex in the current US and Israeli war on Iran, a campaign executed and supported by US troops stationed in Gulf States and Jordan. A review of recent headlines from Saudi-aligned and Gulf-centric media outlets, such as Asharq Al-Awsat, reveals a meticulously crafted narrative of selective outrage.

When reporting on Iranian military actions, these outlets deploy a lexicon of moral condemnation. Recent headlines from July 2026 describe Iranian actions as:

• "العدوان الإيراني الآثم" (The sinful Iranian aggression)
• "اعتداءات إيرانية جديدة" (New Iranian assaults)
• "نهج عدواني ممنهج" (A systematic hostile approach)
• "اعتداءاتها الجوية الإيرانية الغادرة" (Treacherous Iranian air assaults)

These phrases are designed to frame Iran as a rogue actor violating international law and threatening Arab sovereignty. However, when these same media outlets report on US and Israeli military actions against Iranian territory, the vocabulary shifts dramatically. US and Israeli bombardments are routinely sanitized as "غارات" (strikes) or "هجمات" (attacks). The word "عدوان" (aggression) is conspicuously absent.

This linguistic sanitization serves a clear political purpose: to normalize the presence of US military forces in the region and to frame the US-Israeli campaign as a legitimate, defensive, or corrective measure, rather than what international legal experts have identified it to be.

The Gulf media narrative stands in direct contradiction to the consensus of the international legal community. The war on Iran has been widely documented as lacking proper legal authority and factual justification.

In March 2026, UN Human Rights experts issued a stark press release, explicitly denouncing the US and Israeli military assaults on Iran and Lebanon as "flagrant violations of international law" and unequivocally labeling them an "act of aggression." The experts warned that the unprovoked attacks, carried out while negotiations were ongoing, constitute a dangerous precedent of impunity.

Furthermore, a landmark letter published by Just Security, signed by over 100 prominent US-based international law experts and professors, condemned the US role in the conflict. The letter detailed how the initiation of the campaign was a "clear violation of the United Nations Charter" (jus ad bellum), as it lacked Security Council authorization and was not an act of self-defense against an imminent threat. The experts also raised alarms over jus in bello violations, citing strikes on civilian infrastructure, including schools and energy facilities, and condemned dangerous rhetoric from US officials dismissing the rules of engagement as "stupid."

While UN experts and legal scholars universally apply the term "aggression" to the US-Israeli campaign, Gulf state media remain silent on this legal reality, choosing instead to act as a linguistic shield for their powerful allies.

The Domestic Boomerang: When Populations Stop Listening

This deliberate cognitive dissonance carries severe domestic risks. The Arab landscape has changed dramatically since 2011. Populations are no longer captive audiences to state-controlled media. With widespread access to satellite television, social media, and independent digital journalism, citizens can easily compare the hyperbolic condemnation of Iran with the sanitized coverage of US actions.

This selective outrage is eroding the credibility of state institutions. Nowhere is this more acute than in Jordan. The Hashemite Kingdom has found itself in a precarious position, hosting US troops and participating in air defense efforts against Iranian projectiles, such as the recent rocket attacks on the Muwaffaq al-Salti airbase. While the Jordanian government frames its actions as defensive sovereignty, a significant majority of the Jordanian public views this blind support for a foreign-led military campaign as fundamentally misaligned with national interests.

By aligning its media narrative and military posture with a war that is widely perceived as illegal and unjust, the Jordanian government is risking severe domestic backlash. The potential for public uprising is no longer a fringe theory; it is a tangible consequence of a populace that feels its government is sacrificing its well-being for geopolitical patrons who do not reciprocate the loyalty.

The Ultimate Strategic Blunder

Language matters, especially during times of war. Words shape perception, and perception dictates political legitimacy. The Gulf states and Jordan, by weaponizing language to show selective outrage, are engaging in a dangerous gamble. They risk losing what is left of their standing among their own people, who are increasingly adept at seeing through the propaganda.

There is a profound, tragic irony at the heart of this conflict. The US and Israeli war on Iran was explicitly designed, in part, to foment regime change in Tehran. Yet, by acting as complicit enablers—both militarily and linguistically—the supporting Arab states are exposing their own populations to the radicalizing effects of war, economic strain, and perceived national humiliation.

When the outcome of this war is not regime change in Iran as now stated by even those who started the war, but rather the destabilization, weakening, or even the fall of regimes in the Gulf and Jordan, it will stand as the biggest strategic blunder in modern Middle Eastern history. The supporters of this war may find that the linguistic and political tools they used to target their adversaries have ultimately written the epitaph of their own rule.

  

Trump’s Push for Syria to Confront Hezbollah: A Recipe for Regional Chaos

Trump’s Push for Syria to Confront Hezbollah: A Recipe for Regional Chaos

    Friday, July 17, 2026   No comments

In a move that has sent shockwaves through an already fragile Middle East, U.S. President Donald Trump has reportedly been pressing the new Syrian leadership to take military action against Hezbollah in Lebanon. According to recent reports, Trump has suggested that the Islamist-led insurgents, led by a former al-qaeda leader, who overthrew Bashar al-Assad a year and a half ago are better positioned to root out the Iran-backed militant group than the Israeli army. While the White House may view this as a convenient offloading of regional burdens, the reality is starkly different: greenlighting Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa (formerly known as Julani) to “take care of” Hezbollah will create a vastly larger and more intractable problem for the region than it could ever solve.

The Iraqi Warning: A Line in the Sand

The profound dangers of this proposal have not gone unnoticed in Baghdad. The Iraqi government has recently issued a stark “advice” to Sharaa, explicitly warning Damascus against any involvement in the Lebanese file. According to regional sources, the Iraqi message carried a clear caveat: any Syrian encroachment into Lebanon will have direct, severe repercussions on Syria itself. Baghdad made it unequivocally clear that if Lebanese Shias or Hezbollah face any danger originating from Syrian territory, Iraqi resistance factions will not stand idly by. “Every Syrian step toward Lebanon may be followed by an Iraqi step toward Syria,” the warning read.

This is not an empty threat. It is rooted in recent, painful history. Syria is currently ruled by unelected rebel factions that have a documented track record of threatening and killing Iraqis. It was not so long ago that it took the massive, desperate mobilization of Iraqi volunteer forces—the Hashd al-Shaabi (Popular Mobilization Forces)—to counter the very same Islamist ideologies that now hold power in Damascus. Crucially, this mobilization was authorized by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani and other prominent religious leaders to defend Iraq and protect Shia communities from existential threats. The memory of that defense remains vivid and potent.

The Disarmament Paradox

If the United States and Israel genuinely desire the disarmament of Hezbollah and the Iraqi Hashd forces, suggesting that a Syrian regime composed of former rebels will intervene in Lebanon to crush Shias is profoundly counterproductive. Rather than coercing these groups into laying down their arms, such a scenario validates their core narrative: that they are under imminent threat of annihilation.

For Hezbollah, a Syrian-led offensive would be framed as an existential war, guaranteeing fierce resistance. For the Hashd al-Shaabi in Iraq, the logic is equally clear. Faced with the prospect of Syrian rebels attacking Shias in Lebanon, Iraqi paramilitary forces will now insist, with heightened public and religious backing, that they must remain fully armed, mobilized, and ready to defend their brethren across the border. Any Western or Israeli hope of demobilizing these forces will instantly evaporate, replaced by a hardened resolve for self-defense.

Unleashing Internal Fragility in Iraq

The ripple effects of this destabilizing rhetoric extend far beyond the Hashd. Trump’s proposal inadvertently sheds harsh light on the fragile monopoly on force held by the central Iraqi government. If the state cannot guarantee the security of Shia communities regionally, it emboldens other armed groups operating outside Baghdad’s command.

This includes the Peshmerga and various other Kurdish armed factions. Whether these groups are anti-Turkey or anti-Iran, their entrenched bases in Iraq represent a complex web of localized power. A regional escalation triggered by Syrian intervention in Lebanon would provide these groups with both the pretext and the opportunity to expand their own military postures, further fracturing Iraq’s internal security and complicating any efforts at national cohesion.

A Pattern of Impulsive Diplomacy

Trump’s claim that he will greenlight Sharaa to handle Hezbollah fits a troubling trend in his on-the-spot, ill-conceived decision-making. Historically, such impulsive geopolitical gambits have generated cascading problems that their architects are utterly unequipped to solve. Treating the Middle East as a chessboard where rebel factions can be casually redirected to fight proxy wars ignores the deep-seated sectarian, historical, and political realities of the region.

Even Syrian interim president Sharaa has reportedly pushed back against this idea, telling Iraqi officials that he refused the U.S. request and that Damascus is not interested in reopening old fronts or returning to past policies of regional intervention. His priority, he stressed, is internal stability. Still, the mere amplification of this idea by the U.S. president is enough to destabilize the delicate balance of power.

A Region Governed by Weakness and Trauma

The Iraqi government’s stern warning to Syrian rulers serves as a microcosm of how extraordinarily complex the Middle East has become. It is a region now characterized by weak central regimes and territories ruled by former rebels, all navigating a post-Gaza war landscape that has displayed a total disregard for human dignity and international law. The trauma of recent conflicts has left communities hyper-vigilant and deeply distrustful of external meddling.

True regional stability cannot be achieved by pitting one fragile, rebel-led state against another, nor by encouraging sectarian proxy wars. If the international community wishes to see the disarmament of militias and the stabilization of the Levant, it must pursue inclusive diplomacy, strengthen legitimate state institutions, and cease floating dangerous, half-baked military alternatives. Otherwise, Trump’s latest suggestion will not be a solution, but the spark that ignites the next, even more devastating, regional conflagration.

A Shepherd's Death and the Shadow of Secret Bases

A Shepherd's Death and the Shadow of Secret Bases

    Monday, May 18, 2026   No comments

Iraq Grapples with Allegations of Israeli Military Presence

In the vast, windswept expanse of Iraq's western desert, a routine journey for supplies ended in tragedy, casting a long shadow over regional tensions and raising urgent questions about sovereignty, secrecy, and the hidden geography of modern conflict. Awad al-Shammari, a local shepherd, set out on what should have been an ordinary trip. He never returned. According to local accounts and a recent investigation, his death may be directly linked to the discovery of something far more consequential than lost livestock: the alleged presence of covert Israeli military installations on Iraqi soil.

The story that has since unfolded points to a clandestine outpost established by Israel in the remote desert, reportedly constructed shortly before the escalation of conflict with Iran in early 2025. This facility, described as a forward operating base, is said to have supported aerial operations and housed special forces units, potentially serving as a critical node for missions deep into Iranian territory. A second, older base in the same region is also reported to have been active during earlier confrontations, suggesting a longer-term, strategic footprint.

For Awad al-Shammari, the abstract realities of geopolitical maneuvering became fatally concrete. Witnesses recount that after stumbling upon one of these installations, his pickup truck came under fire from a helicopter. His family's desperate two-day search ended in grim discovery: a burned vehicle and the remains of the shepherd. The circumstances of his death have ignited a firestorm of anger and grief across Iraq, a nation that does not recognize Israel and views any unauthorized foreign military presence as a profound violation.

The revelations have intensified scrutiny on Iraq's powerful allies. Reports indicate that U.S. officials were aware of at least one of the bases months before the shepherd's discovery, yet this intelligence was not shared with the Iraqi government. This alleged omission has fueled accusations of betrayal and complicity. Iraqi lawmakers have voiced outrage, with one parliamentarian asserting that American forces effectively ceded Iraqi airspace to Israeli operations during the recent conflict, even ordering the deactivation of local radar systems. The suggestion that Iraqi territory was used to host a secret intelligence center for a state with which Baghdad has no diplomatic relations strikes at the heart of national pride and security.

In the absence of an official comment from the Iraqi government, the void has been filled with public demand for answers and accountability. Citizens and officials alike are calling for a transparent investigation into both the death of Awad al-Shammari and the broader question of foreign military activities within the country's borders. The incident underscores the precarious position of Iraq, often caught as a theater for proxy conflicts and clandestine operations between larger powers.

Beyond the immediate political fallout, the story of the shepherd serves as a poignant reminder of the human cost of hidden wars. While strategic analysts debate the operational significance of desert outposts, for a family in rural Iraq, the consequence is irreparable loss. The burned truck in the desert is not just evidence in a geopolitical dispute; it is a tombstone for a man whose only crime may have been being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

As pressure mounts, the path forward remains uncertain. Will Baghdad launch a formal inquiry? How will its complex relationships with Washington and other regional actors withstand the strain? The answers will shape not only Iraq's immediate future but also the rules of engagement for covert action in one of the world's most volatile regions. For now, the desert holds its secrets, and a nation waits for truth, while mourning a shepherd whose final journey exposed the hidden lines of a shadow war.

Ali Al‑Zaidi’s Nomination and Iraq’s Fragile Path to Regional Stability

Ali Al‑Zaidi’s Nomination and Iraq’s Fragile Path to Regional Stability

    Monday, April 27, 2026   No comments

 

In a development that could reshape Iraq’s political trajectory and ease mounting regional tensions, the Coordination Framework, Iraq’s dominant Shiite parliamentary bloc, has nominated Ali Al‑Zaidi as its consensus candidate for prime minister. The announcement came after weeks of intense internal negotiations and marked a potential turning point in a political crisis that had paralyzed Baghdad since the November elections. The selection of Al‑Zaidi was neither straightforward nor predetermined. The Coordination Framework’s deliberations unfolded in three distinct phases. Initially, former Prime Minister Nouri al‑Maliki appeared poised for a comeback, securing support from ten of the framework’s twelve key members after incumbent Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al‑Sudani stepped aside. This momentum stalled, however, when U.S. President Donald Trump publicly warned that Washington would no longer help Iraq if Maliki returned to power, citing what he called Maliki’s insane policies and ideologies. With Maliki’s path blocked, attention shifted to Bassem al‑Badri, who reportedly secured seven signatures within the framework, but this support proved insufficient to overcome internal divisions, turning his candidacy into a proxy battle between competing factions. In marathon sessions hosted by Falih al‑Fayyad, head of the Popular Mobilization Forces, negotiators finally converged on Al‑Zaidi, a figure described as a technocrat with economic expertise who could bridge ideological divides without granting decisive victory to any single camp. President Nizar Amedi formally tasked Al‑Zaidi with forming a new government, granting him thirty days under Article 76 of Iraq’s constitution to assemble a cabinet and secure parliamentary confidence.

Ali Shakir Mahmoud Al‑Zaidi was born in Baghdad in 1978 and brings a profile distinct from Iraq’s traditional political class. He holds a PhD in public law with a specialization in constitutional law, as well as bachelor’s and master’s degrees in finance and banking. He has served as chairman of Al‑Janoob Islamic Bank and CEO of Dijlah TV. Notably, Al‑Janoob Islamic Bank was among several Iraqi financial institutions sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury in 2024 over allegations of facilitating dollar transfers to Iran, a detail that underscores the delicate balancing act Al‑Zaidi must now perform. In his first statement as prime minister‑designate, Al‑Zaidi emphasized continuity and pragmatism, declaring that the upcoming government program would complement previous efforts to improve service delivery and social conditions, while pledging to position Iraq as a balanced country regionally and internationally.

Al‑Zaidi’s nomination arrives at a moment of extraordinary regional volatility. Iraq finds itself caught in the crossfire of an escalating U.S.‑Iran confrontation, with Iranian‑backed militias launching hundreds of attacks on American interests since the outbreak of wider conflict in February 2026. The U.S. Embassy in Baghdad has repeatedly warned of imminent threats from these groups, while Tehran insists that Iraq’s leadership choices must remain purely based on the decision of Iraqis. On the potential stabilizing side, Al‑Zaidi’s economic background may appeal to international donors and investors seeking stability over ideology. His emergence as a compromise candidate suggests broad, if reluctant, acceptance across Shiite factions, a prerequisite for governing effectively. By selecting a figure less overtly aligned with Tehran than Maliki, the Coordination Framework may be signaling openness to renewed dialogue with Washington. Yet persistent risks remain. Al‑Zaidi’s association with a sanctioned bank raises questions about whether the Trump administration will extend full cooperation to his government. The continued political weight of Iran‑aligned armed groups within the framework could constrain Al‑Zaidi’s ability to pursue independent security policies. And with the Coordination Framework controlling roughly 162 to 185 of parliament’s 329 seats, Al‑Zaidi will need support from Kurdish and Sunni blocs to pass legislation and approve his cabinet.

Al‑Zaidi’s immediate challenges are formidable. He must assemble a diverse and competent team capable of addressing Iraq’s chronic service deficits, corruption, and unemployment. With oil revenues under pressure from regional conflict, prudent fiscal management will be critical. Balancing relations with both U.S. forces and Iran‑aligned militias requires diplomatic finesse of the highest order. Moreover, many Iraqis demand changes to the political system that has produced repeated cycles of deadlock. The Coordination Framework’s praise for Maliki and al‑Sudani’s decision to step aside, reflecting concern for supreme national interests, suggests an awareness that continued obstruction would risk broader instability. Yet rhetoric alone cannot resolve the structural tensions that have plagued Iraqi politics since 2003.

Ali Al‑Zaidi’s nomination represents not a definitive solution but a provisional opportunity. In a region where miscalculation can trigger escalation, Iraq’s ability to form a functional, inclusive government carries implications far beyond its borders. If Al‑Zaidi can leverage his technocratic credentials to deliver tangible improvements in governance while navigating the treacherous waters of great‑power competition, his premiership could become a modest anchor of stability. If he fails, the consequences could reverberate from Baghdad to Beirut, from Tehran to Washington. For now, the world watches as Iraq attempts to turn a moment of compromise into a foundation for renewal. The stakes could not be higher.

Syria and the "Arab Spring" 2.0

Syria and the "Arab Spring" 2.0

    Friday, December 06, 2024   No comments

The popular uprising that broke in the Southwest Asian and North African, SWANA, in 2011, that transformed the region was frozen ten years later, especially in Syria and Yemen. Syria, after ten years of war, saw some calm since 2021, with the country still divided into three areas of control: one under "Sunni" rebels supported by Turkey and Qatar controlling the northwest, a second under Kurdish control in the northeast supported by the US, and the rest of Syria controlled by the Syrian government supported by Russia and Iran. On November 27 of this year, the calm was shattered when the Turkish backed armed groups regained major cities they lost in 2017-19. The crisis is unlikely to be resolved short of outside strong intervention, which is also unlikely, given that the outside actors are now busy dealing with new crises centers. So, for the foreseeable future, there are two possible paths forward. The various faction will continue to fight, but unlikely that one will prevail over the other two. Alternatively, a reshuffle of the alliances internally will consolidate some power leading to a stalemate, which will force all three sides to negotiate a deal that preserve the gains and interests of all ethnic, religious, sectarian, and ideological groups. That seem to be the realization of some world and regional powers, though not all think they have to give anything to dial down violence.

Erdogan: We hope that the Syrian "opposition" factions will continue their progress.. and the goal is Damascus

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said he hopes that the progress of what he called the "opposition" in Syria will continue "without problems," considering that the next "target" after the armed factions took control of Idlib, Hama and Homs, "is Damascus."

Erdogan's words came in press statements, and he added: "We had invited Assad (Syrian President Bashar al-Assad)... and we told him: Let us determine the future of Syria together. Unfortunately, we did not receive a positive response on this issue."

Recently, Syria's permanent representative to the United Nations, Qusay al-Dahhak, confirmed that the terrorist attack on northern Syria could not have been carried out without a green light and a joint Turkish-Israeli operational order paved by repeated Israeli attacks on Syrian territory.

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad also confirmed his country's insistence on eradicating terrorism, stressing that terrorists do not represent a people or institutions, but rather the apparatuses that support them.

Foreign Ministers of Iraq, Syria and Iran: Protecting Syria's Security is Necessary to Protect the Security of the Region

The foreign ministers of Iraq, Syria and Iran stressed on Friday that "threatening Syria's security poses a general danger to the stability of the entire region," stressing that "there is no choice but to coordinate, cooperate and consult diplomatically continuously, in order to eliminate all risks of escalation in the region."

In a joint statement following the meeting at the Iraqi Foreign Ministry, the ministers stressed "the seriousness of the events in Syria and their sensitivity to all parties in the region," warning of "the possibility of their expanding dimensions, which will pose a grave danger to the three countries and threaten the security of their peoples and the entire region."

The ministers also urged "the need to mobilize all Arab, regional and international efforts to reach peaceful solutions to the challenges facing the region in general, and Syria in particular."

In addition, the statement stressed "the agreement on the need to continue consultation and coordination between the three countries, follow up on these developments and prepare for any developments in the coming days," and respect for Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity.

They also condemned "terrorism in all its forms and manifestations classified by the Security Council," stressing "collective action to confront it." They also condemned the ongoing Israeli attacks on Syria, Gaza and Lebanon.

Sistani to the UN representative: We regret the international community's inability to stop the Israeli aggression on Gaza and Lebanon

Sistani to the UN representative: We regret the international community's inability to stop the Israeli aggression on Gaza and Lebanon

    Monday, November 04, 2024   No comments

The highest religious authority in Iraq, Sayyid Ali al-Sistani, stressed today, Monday, the prevention of foreign interventions in all its forms, while expressing his regret for the inability of the international community and its institutions to impose effective solutions to stop the Israeli aggression on the Gaza Strip and Lebanon.

Sayyid al-Sistani received the representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and head of its mission in Iraq (UNAMI) Mohammed al-Hassan and his accompanying delegation. In a statement issued by Sayyid al-Sistani's office, he said that "Sayyid provided a brief explanation of the tasks of the international mission and the role it seeks to play in the coming period. In return, he welcomed the presence of the United Nations in Iraq and wished its mission success in carrying out its tasks."

Sayyid al-Sistani added that "Iraqis - especially the conscious elites - should learn from the experiences they have gone through and do their utmost to overcome their failures and work hard to achieve a better future for their country in which everyone enjoys security, stability, progress and prosperity."

He also stressed that "this cannot be achieved without preparing scientific and practical plans to manage the country based on the principle of competence and integrity in assuming positions of responsibility, preventing foreign interventions in all their aspects, and enforcing the rule of law."

Regarding the volatile situations in our region, Mr. Sistani expressed his "deep sorrow over the ongoing tragedy in Lebanon and Gaza and his deep regret over the inability of the international community and its institutions to impose effective solutions to stop it or at the very least to neutralize civilians from the tragedies of the fierce aggression practiced by the Israeli entity."

For his part, the United Nations representative in Iraq, Mohammed Al-Hassan, confirmed today, Monday, that any infringement on the status of the supreme religious authority represented by Sayyid Ali al-Sistani cannot be accepted.

Al-Hassan said during a press conference following his meeting with Sayyid al-Sistani in Najaf, Iraq: "I was honored to meet His Eminence Sayyid al-Sistani, and I listened to his wisdom and visions for the region and Iraq."

He added, "You know the status of the Sayyid in the Islamic and international worlds, and I am happy with this meeting, and I agreed with His Eminence to work together to enhance the status of Iraq."

Al-Hassan also noted that "Sayyid al-Sistani asked him to implement priorities in the interests of Iraq," expecting that "Iraq will strengthen its relations with its neighbors."

He also stated that "the United Nations is committed to supporting Iraq's priorities and does not interfere except in consultation."

It is noteworthy that Israeli sources published, last month, pictures of leaders Israel assassinated or plans to assassinate and included Sayyid Ali al-Sistani in the list, which angered the Iraqi government.