Showing posts with label Economics and Finance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Economics and Finance. Show all posts

Friday, August 28, 2026

Media review: U.S. Economic War on Iran Is Forging a Parallel Global Financial Order

    Friday, August 28, 2026   No comments

The United States' decades-long campaign of economic warfare against Iran—characterized by extraterritorial sanctions, SWIFT exclusion, and the weaponization of dollar dominance—has produced an outcome that Washington neither anticipated nor desired. Rather than isolating Tehran, these measures have become the single greatest catalyst for the construction of alternative financial infrastructure now competing with SWIFT, Visa, Mastercard, and the correspondent banking system. From Russia's SPFS messaging network to China's CIPS clearing system, from the mBridge multi-CBDC platform to pan-African settlement rails, a parallel architecture is emerging that promises to restore national sovereignty over monetary policy, reduce the rents extracted by Western intermediaries, and enable bilateral and regional trade outside Washington's jurisdiction. This article examines the current state and potential of these systems, the billions in savings they offer participants, and the specific elements that are transforming them from emergency workarounds into genuinely reliable and attractive alternatives.

I. The Sanctions Paradox: When Weaponization Begets Diversification

The logic of U.S. sanctions against Iran has always rested on a simple premise: control the plumbing of global finance, and you control the behavior of nations. By threatening to sever access to SWIFT, freezing dollar-denominated assets, and imposing secondary sanctions on foreign banks, Washington sought to make compliance with American foreign policy the price of participation in the global economy.

But this strategy contains a fatal paradox, one that economists and historians are now documenting in real time. Washington cannot both weaponize the dollar system and maintain universal trust in it. These two objectives are in direct conflict. The erosion is slow—percentage points per decade rather than per year. But it compounds.

Iran has been the laboratory for this paradox. Cut off from correspondent banking, excluded from SWIFT, and denied access to Visa and Mastercard networks, Tehran was forced to build or adopt alternative rails. The result was not capitulation, but innovation. Iran linked its SEPAM interbank messaging system to Russia's SPFS, integrated its Shetab card network with Russia's Mir system, and became an early adopter of yuan-denominated trade settlement. Each tanker forced to pay in yuan, rupees, or rials—or to reroute at higher expense—chips away at the petrodollar architecture.

The significance extends far beyond Iran. Every nation watching Tehran's experience has drawn the same conclusion: over-reliance on U.S.-dominated financial infrastructure is a strategic vulnerability. The current de-dollarization push is different from anything in the past 80 years of dollar dominance precisely because these are not the actions of enemies—they are the actions of allies and partners who have watched the United States weaponize the dollar-based financial system, and have quietly concluded they need to reduce their exposure to it.

II. The Hidden Tax: How Western Financial Infrastructure Siphons Wealth


To understand the appeal of alternatives, one must first understand the cost of the status quo. The traditional cross-border payment system—built on SWIFT messaging, correspondent banking chains, and card networks dominated by Visa and Mastercard—functions as a sophisticated rent-extraction mechanism.

A typical SWIFT transfer costs $15–$50 in sending bank fees, plus $10–$30 per intermediary correspondent bank, plus $5–$20 in receiving bank fees, plus a foreign exchange markup of 0.5–3% above interbank rates. Settlement takes three to five days, during which capital is trapped in transit and subject to counterparty risk. For low-value remittances, the World Bank estimates the average cost of sending money across borders at 6.26%—a punitive levy on migrant workers sending earnings home.
For developing countries, the burden is structural. African companies historically used correspondent banks—often outside Africa—to settle payments between two African currencies in a third currency, usually dollars or euros. This created foreign exchange and liquidity requirements for individual central banks, while Western intermediaries captured fees at every hop. The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) estimates that this correspondent banking dependency costs African businesses $5 billion annually in transaction costs alone.

The card network duopoly adds another layer. Visa and Mastercard together control the vast majority of global card purchase transactions, with interchange fees, scheme fees, and FX spreads embedded in every cross-border purchase. For nations with currencies outside the dollar-euro axis, this represents a persistent drain of national wealth into Western financial institutions.

III. The Architecture of Alternatives: A Survey of the New Financial Infrastructure


The alternative systems emerging in response to sanctions pressure can be grouped into four functional categories: wholesale messaging and clearing, central bank digital currency platforms, national and regional card networks, and integrated payment ecosystems.

A. Wholesale Messaging and Clearing: SPFS and CIPS


SPFS (System for Transfer of Financial Messages) was created by Russia's Central Bank in 2014, following the annexation of Crimea and Western threats to disconnect Russia from SWIFT. It allows participating banks to exchange standardized payment instructions using formats broadly compatible with SWIFT's MT messages. After the 2022 Ukraine escalation, the Kremlin pushed to internationalize SPFS, onboarding banks in Belarus, Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, and critically, Iran.

In January 2023, the central banks of Iran and Russia signed an agreement connecting their national interbank communication systems—Iran's SEPAM and Russia's SPFS—enabling about 700 Russian banks to exchange financial messages with Iranian banks, plus 106 non-Russian banks from 13 other countries. The U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has explicitly warned foreign financial institutions about sanctions risks for joining SPFS, acknowledging that sanctioned Iranian banks have joined SPFS to retain financial connectivity given restrictions on using SWIFT.

CIPS (Cross-Border Interbank Payment System), launched by the People's Bank of China in 2015, represents a more ambitious challenge. Unlike SWIFT, which is purely a messaging network requiring separate correspondent banking arrangements, CIPS combines payment messaging and settlement in a single system, settling directly in renminbi and removing the need for the dollar as an intermediary currency.

The growth has been extraordinary. In 2024, CIPS processed 8.2169 million transactions totaling RMB 175.49 trillion ($24.47 trillion), increases of 24.25% and 42.60% year-over-year respectively. By June 2025, CIPS had 176 direct participants and 1,514 indirect participants across 110+ countries. Monthly volume in June 2026 alone reached 810,563 transactions settling RMB 18.21 trillion ($2.67 trillion).


B. Central Bank Digital Currencies: Project mBridge


Project mBridge is perhaps the most technically sophisticated alternative to emerge. It is a multi-central bank digital currency (mCBDC) platform shared among participating central banks and commercial banks, built on distributed ledger technology to enable instant cross-border payments and settlement.
The project began in 2021 as collaboration between the BIS Innovation Hub, the Bank of Thailand, the Central Bank of the UAE, the People's Bank of China, and the Hong Kong Monetary Authority. Saudi Arabia joined in 2024. The BIS formally exited the project in late 2024, leaving the participating central banks to continue operations independently—an important signal that the platform is transitioning from experiment to operational infrastructure.
By early 2026, mBridge had processed RMB 470 billion ($69 billion) in cumulative cross-border transactions, with more than 95% denominated in renminbi. The platform is now reportedly ready for commercialization and considering incorporation in Hong Kong. Its significance extends beyond speed—cross-border CBDC payments that once took days now settle in seconds—but to sovereignty: it allows trade settlement without passing through correspondent banks or the dollar-centric SWIFT network.


C. BRICS Pay and the Interoperability Vision


BRICS Pay represents an attempt to stitch national systems into a coherent alternative network. Rather than creating a single supranational currency—which founders on questions of monetary sovereignty and Chinese yuan dominance—the current approach focuses on interoperability.
The envisioned system would link Brazil's Pix, India's UPI, China's CIPS and UnionPay, and Russia's SPFS into a cross-border network where each currency remains fully sovereign. What changes is the infrastructure that allows them to interact. A prototype tested in Moscow in October 2024 demonstrated capacity for 20,000 transactions per second.

As of March 2026, BRICS Pay remains in pilot phase, with planned rollout beginning with foreign tourist payment access in BRICS nations, expanding to CIS countries and the Middle East, with broader BRICS+ integration by year-end. The realistic path is not replacement of SWIFT but interoperability between national payment rails, not a single replacement currency.

D. National and Regional Card Networks


The card payment layer is where alternatives have achieved the deepest market penetration:

UnionPay has become the world's second-largest card network by purchase transaction volume, capturing 33.15% of global brand-card purchase transactions in the first half of 2024—behind only Visa at 38.66%. With over 250 million cards issued outside mainland China across 83 countries, acceptance in 183 countries and regions, and 99 countries supporting UnionPay mobile payments, it has evolved from a domestic Chinese system into a genuine global challenger. The shift toward international transactions has been steep: roughly 0.5% of UnionPay transactions occurred outside China in 2015, compared with about 43% in 2025.

Mir (Russia) and Shetab (Iran) illustrate how bilateral integration can function under sanctions. Russia's Mir system, launched in 2014 after Visa and Mastercard suspended services in Crimea, now has over 475 million cards issued and represents over 75% of all domestic transactions in Russia. In November 2024, Iran and Russia linked their national payment systems, enabling Iranian citizens to withdraw rubles from Russian ATMs using Shetab-linked cards, and Russian Mir cardholders to make payments in Iran. The third and final phase of integration—allowing Iranians to make purchases at Russian stores using Shetab cards—is expected to be finalized in 2026.

Mada (Saudi Arabia), launched in 2015 to replace the older SPAN system, has become the backbone of the Kingdom's digital payments boom. It operates as a national switch enabling cross-border transactions and instant settlements, primarily in Saudi riyals. In the context of Saudi-China currency swap agreements and the kingdom's growing trade with BRICS nations, Mada represents a strategic national asset that could interoperate with alternative clearing systems.

Meeza (Egypt) demonstrates how national schemes drive financial inclusion. With over 40 million cards issued—representing more than 55% of all payment cards in Egypt—and processing over 1.02 billion transactions annually totaling approximately $26.74 billion, Meeza has created a domestic payment ecosystem that reduces reliance on international card networks. Critically, Meeza cards do not require a traditional bank account; Egyptians need only a national ID to obtain a prepaid card, bringing the unbanked into the digital economy.

RuPay (India) and UPI (Unified Payments Interface) form India's two-track strategy. While RuPay provides domestic card network independence, UPI has expanded internationally to eight countries including Singapore, UAE, France, and Mauritius, with 20+ target countries by 2029. India's digital rupee (e-Rupee) has processed over 1.3 million wholesale transactions in early 2026, primarily for interbank settlements and government payments, laying groundwork for cross-border CBDC integration.

Verve (Nigeria), Africa's first and largest domestic payments scheme, has issued over 70 million cards in Nigeria alone and expanded acceptance to 21+ African countries. It has achieved merchant acceptance with global platforms including Google, YouTube, Spotify, Netflix, and Uber, allowing Nigerian consumers to access international services in local currency.

Girocard (Germany) and BC Card (South Korea) represent advanced economy alternatives that preserve domestic payment sovereignty. Girocard operates across approximately 1.344 million terminals in Germany and has overtaken cash as the highest-turnover payment method at German checkouts. BC Card, South Korea's largest payment processor, has begun experimenting with foreign-currency stablecoin payments, completing a pilot in October 2025 that allowed overseas digital wallet users to make payments at Korean merchants using stablecoins converted to BC's digital prepaid cards.

E. Regional Integration: PAPSS, Onafriq, and M-Pesa


PAPSS (Pan-African Payment and Settlement System), launched in January 2022 by Afreximbank and the African Union, enables near-instant cross-border payments in local currencies across 15 operational countries including Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, and Zambia. By connecting central bank RTGS systems and netting out daily balances, PAPSS eliminates the need for African trade to be intermediated through European or American correspondent banks. In February 2026, Kenya's Pesalink instant payment network partnered with PAPSS, enabling 80+ Pesalink participants to connect with 160+ PAPSS banks for 24/7 local-currency cross-border transfers.

Onafriq operates as the leading pan-African payments network, connecting businesses to 43 African markets through a single API, with access to nearly 1 billion mobile wallets, 500 million bank accounts, and 2,000 cross-border payment corridors. Its infrastructure bridges traditional banking and mobile money, enabling gig worker payouts, remittances, and B2B settlements across fragmented markets.
M-Pesa, Kenya's mobile money pioneer, was named among the Top 100 cross-border payment platforms for 2026 by FXC Intelligence, reflecting its evolution from domestic peer-to-peer transfers to a genuine cross-border rail.

IV. Sovereignty, Trade, and Savings: The Three Pillars of Attraction


The alternative financial infrastructure offers three interconnected benefits that explain its accelerating adoption.

National Sovereignty


For nations facing sanctions or merely seeking strategic autonomy, control over payment rails is synonymous with sovereignty. When the U.S. can sever a country's access to SWIFT or pressure Visa and Mastercard to suspend service—as happened to Russia in 2022—monetary policy independence becomes illusory. The alternative systems restore the ability to clear and settle payments according to national law rather than Washington's extraterritorial dictates.
PAPSS explicitly addresses this by enabling payments in local currencies, reducing the need to convert African currencies to the US dollar or euro for intra-African trade and helping central banks optimize liquidity management and reduce exposure to dollar fluctuations. Similarly, mBridge's governance framework is tailored to its unique decentralised nature, with each participating central bank operating a validating node.

Bilateral and Regional Trade


The alternatives are explicitly designed to facilitate trade between nations that Washington seeks to separate. The Iran-Russia SPFS-SEPAM linkage allows financial institutions in both countries to open letters of credit or process money orders and bank guarantees without SWIFT. The Mir-Shetab integration removes restrictions for electronic payments and opens a new chapter in economic and cultural cooperation.

For BRICS nations, the appeal is quantitative. BRICS members currently represent 35.4% of the world economy and around 45% of the global population. Enabling these nations to trade in their own currencies without dollar intermediation unlocks trade volumes currently suppressed by transaction costs and sanctions risk.

Cost Savings: Reclaiming Billions


The economic case is compelling. Consider the arithmetic:
PAPSS targets $5 billion in annual savings for African businesses by eliminating correspondent banking chains.

mBridge reduces cross-border payment costs by eliminating multiple intermediary banks and their associated fees. A typical SWIFT transfer can accumulate $15–$50 in fees per intermediary; mBridge settles peer-to-peer in seconds.

Stablecoin and blockchain rails cut cross-border costs to roughly 0.5% on-ramp/off-ramp with pennies in-network fees, compared to 2–4% FX spreads plus wire fees in traditional banking.
Domestic card networks like Meeza and Verve retain transaction fees within national economies rather than remitting them to Visa and Mastercard's U.S.-based revenue pools.

For Iran specifically, the savings are existential. By settling energy trade in yuan rather than dollars, Tehran avoids the full architecture of U.S. financial surveillance and the 3–5% effective tax imposed by dollar intermediation. Russia's experience after 2022 demonstrated that redirecting hydrocarbon flows toward eager buyers in Asia—primarily China and India—bypassing the dollar-dominated payment system resulted in energy revenues that soared far beyond pre-sanction levels despite reduced volumes.

V. Elements of Reliability: What Makes These Systems Attractive


For alternative financial infrastructure to transition from emergency workaround to genuine competitor, it must satisfy several criteria. The current generation of systems is meeting these tests in ways that previous attempts did not.

1. Technical Resilience and Speed


The new systems are built on modern architecture. mBridge uses a bespoke blockchain—the mBridge Ledger—compatible with the Ethereum Virtual Machine, enabling real-time peer-to-peer settlement. CIPS processes transactions in real-time. PAPSS settles intra-African payments instantly rather than in 3–5 days. BRICS Pay's prototype demonstrated 20,000 transactions per second.

2. Multi-Currency and National Currency Settlement


Unlike SWIFT, which ultimately funnels most transactions through dollar correspondent accounts, the alternatives prioritize settlement in national currencies. BRICS Pay's core design principle is trade in national currencies—reduce FX risk and dependency. mBridge allows direct foreign exchange transactions between participating CBDCs without dollar conversion. CIPS settles directly in RMB.


3. Governance Decentralization


The most credible alternatives avoid single-point control. mBridge's governance framework was created specifically to match its unique decentralised nature, with rulebooks tailored to multi-jurisdictional operation. BRICS Pay is developing DAO governance for transparent decision-making.

4. Regulatory Compliance and Trust


Paradoxically, the alternatives are investing heavily in compliance to build trust. BRICS Pay emphasizes full AML/KYC, regulators-aligned architecture. PAPSS is compliant with global regulatory standards and overseen by African central banks. Onafriq maintains ISO 27001, CMML3, PCI DSS, and SOC2 certifications. This compliance investment is essential: the systems must be clean enough to avoid the stigma of sanctions evasion while robust enough to resist political pressure.

5. Interoperability Rather Than Replacement


The smartest strategy is not to challenge SWIFT head-on but to route around it. As BRICS Pay's developers state: BRICS Pay does not replace SWIFT, Visa, or Mastercard. It offers a parallel, compatible option—giving businesses and individuals choice in how they transact globally. This interoperability-first approach reduces switching costs and allows gradual migration.

6. Financial Inclusion


National schemes like Meeza and Verve demonstrate that alternative infrastructure can reach populations excluded by Western systems. Meeza's no-bank-account-required model and Verve's penetration of Nigeria's unbanked sectors create constituencies with a vested interest in domestic payment sovereignty.

VI. The Uncertain Road Ahead: Challenges and Potential


Despite remarkable progress, these alternatives face significant hurdles. SWIFT still connects over 11,000 institutions across 200+ countries with decades of regulatory integration. The dollar remains the dominant invoicing currency for global trade. Network effects are powerful: merchants accept Visa and Mastercard because consumers carry them; consumers carry them because merchants accept them.
Yet the trajectory favors the alternatives for several reasons. 

First, U.S. aggression is not abating—it is expanding. The Iran war and associated sanctions have shaken confidence in the dollar among allies, not just adversaries. France has repatriated 129 tons of gold from the Federal Reserve. Canada has announced a $25 billion sovereign wealth fund to reduce U.S. economic dependence.

Second, the alternatives are compounding. Each new participant in CIPS, each new country accepting Mir cards, each new mBridge transaction builds network effects for the alternative ecosystem. Iran's integration with SPFS and Mir creates a template that other sanctioned or sovereignty-minded nations can replicate.

Third, the cost differential is widening. As blockchain rails mature and CBDC platforms scale, the 6.26% average remittance cost and 2–4% FX spreads of traditional banking look increasingly indefensible. For a company moving millions across borders monthly, the difference between SWIFT and blockchain rails translates into millions annually.

Fourth, the regulatory environment is shifting. The U.S. GENIUS Act and Europe's Instant Payments Regulation are forcing even Western systems to modernize, but they also legitimize the technological approaches—stablecoins, real-time settlement, ISO 20022 messaging—that underpin the alternative infrastructure.


The Architect of Its Own Competition


The United States set out to isolate Iran through financial warfare. In doing so, it has inadvertently become the architect of the most significant challenge to its own financial hegemony since Bretton Woods. The alternative systems catalogued here—SPFS and CIPS for wholesale clearing, mBridge for CBDC settlement, UnionPay and Mir for card payments, PAPSS and Onafriq for regional integration, BRICS Pay for multilateral interoperability—are not merely workarounds for sanctioned states. They are becoming the preferred infrastructure for a growing cohort of nations that value sovereignty over convenience and cost savings over habit.

The irony is profound: by demonstrating that access to the dollar system is conditional on political obedience, Washington has taught the world to diversify. By extracting billions in correspondent banking fees and FX spreads, Western institutions have created the economic incentive for their own displacement. And by disregarding international law in the application of extraterritorial sanctions, the U.S. has undermined the very trust that made its financial infrastructure the global standard.

These alternative systems will not replace SWIFT or Visa tomorrow. But they no longer need to. By offering reliable, cheaper, sovereign-compliant alternatives in an increasingly multipolar world, they have crossed the threshold from protest platforms to permanent fixtures. The economic war on Iran did not break the resistance of its target. It broke the monopoly of its author.

Sunday, July 26, 2026

Media Review: Will AI Make Work Optional?

    Sunday, July 26, 2026   No comments

An Ibn Khaldunian Response to the Myth of the Post-Work Society

Each new technological revolution has inspired predictions about the end of work. The industrial revolution promised liberation from physical labor. Computers were expected to eliminate paperwork and usher in an era of leisure. Today, artificial intelligence has given rise to an even more ambitious claim: that work itself will become optional.

This assertion is repeated with increasing confidence by technology executives, futurists, and investors. Some envision a future in which AI performs virtually all productive labor while human beings receive a universal income, freeing them to pursue creativity, recreation, or personal fulfillment. It is an appealing vision. It is also, upon closer examination, conceptually confused.

The confusion arises from treating employment and work as though they were the same thing.

They are not.

Employment is a social institution. Work is an ontological reality.

This distinction, articulated with remarkable clarity by Ibn Khaldun more than six centuries ago, exposes the central weakness in the contemporary narrative surrounding artificial intelligence.

According to Ibn Khaldun, all value originates in work. Human prosperity does not emerge from money, markets, or ownership alone. Rather, every form of wealth traces its origin to productive activity. Agriculture, manufacturing, construction, transportation, education, governance, and commerce all create value because they involve work. Money merely records and facilitates the exchange of that value. In this framework, money is not wealth itself. It is a store of the value created by work. The implications of this principle are profound. 

Artificial intelligence may indeed perform an increasing share of productive activities. Machines may design buildings, diagnose diseases, write software, conduct scientific research, and manufacture goods with minimal human intervention. None of this abolishes work. It merely changes the system performing it.

The work has not disappeared. It has shifted from one productive system to another.

This observation reveals the first conceptual error in the claim that AI will make work optional. If an AI system produces a bridge, writes a legal brief, or discovers a new medicine, those outcomes remain the products of work. They are events produced by a system operating through energy over time. Work continues to exist because every event remains the consequence of work performed by some system.

What disappears is not work. What may disappear is human employment. This distinction fundamentally changes the discussion. Once employment is separated from work, a much more difficult question emerges.

If AI performs the productive work, who receives the value created by that work?

The popular answer is that society will simply redistribute the resulting abundance through universal income or some similar mechanism. However, this answer quietly assumes the very conclusion it must prove. Where does the money come from?

The answer cannot be "from AI." Artificial intelligence does not own itself. Robots do not collect profits. Algorithms do not pay taxes. Every productive AI system is owned by someone—individuals, corporations, governments, or investment funds. Consequently, the economic value produced by AI flows first to its owners. This is not speculation. It is precisely how modern economic systems already operate. The irony is difficult to ignore.

Many of the strongest advocates of a post-work society owe their extraordinary fortunes to institutions that rigorously protect private ownership of productive capital. Their wealth was accumulated because existing legal and economic systems reward ownership, investment, and capital appreciation. Those same institutions have produced some of the greatest concentrations of wealth in history.

If these ownership structures remain unchanged, AI will not eliminate inequality. It will likely magnify it. The contradiction is obvious. One cannot simultaneously celebrate an economic system that concentrates the returns to ownership while assuming that its future outputs will somehow be distributed equally to everyone. Technology does not produce redistribution. Institutions do. The question therefore is not whether AI can create abundance. The question is whether those who own the productive systems will willingly surrender a substantial portion of the value generated by those systems. History offers little reason for such confidence.

Indeed, one need only consider the incentives facing the owners of advanced AI. If enormous productive capacity generates unprecedented profits, the rational response within existing institutions is to reinvest those profits, acquire additional productive assets, expand market dominance, and increase future returns. Nothing in contemporary capitalism naturally converts concentrated ownership into universal prosperity. To assume otherwise is not economic analysis. It is wishful thinking.

 This is precisely where Ibn Khaldun's analysis proves remarkably contemporary. His insight was never merely that people must work. His deeper claim was that work is the source from which all economic value ultimately flows. Whenever value becomes detached from productive contribution and instead accumulates primarily through institutional mechanisms that bypass work, societies begin to experience structural distortions. Wealth becomes increasingly concentrated, productive incentives weaken, social cohesion deteriorates, and political instability follows.

The real challenge is whether societies can redesign their institutions so that the value generated by increasingly autonomous productive systems continues to circulate in ways that preserve economic participation, social legitimacy, and political stability.

That is an institutional question—not a technological one.

Artificial intelligence may become one of the greatest productive tools humanity has ever created.

But no technology, regardless of its sophistication, abolishes the fundamental principle that value originates in work.

Six centuries ago, Ibn Khaldun recognized this principle with extraordinary clarity. Today, as the world imagines a future beyond work, his insight deserves renewed attention.

 AI changes who—or more precisely, what—performs productive work. It does not eliminate the necessity of work as the source of value.

The future is not post-work

The future is a struggle over who owns the systems that perform the work, who receives the value those systems create, and whether our institutions continue to recognize that money is not wealth itself, but only a representation of work already performed.

The dream that AI will make work optional mistakes a transformation in the organization of production for the disappearance of production itself. It confuses employment with work, ownership with creation, and technological possibility with institutional reality. The machines may change. The principle does not: Work remains the foundation upon which every event—and every civilization—ultimately rests.


Monday, May 11, 2026

Iran Threatening Fees on Critical Subsea Cables in the Strait of Hormuz

    Monday, May 11, 2026   No comments

 Iran Plays Its Digital Card

As the Trump administration weighs military escalation to force Tehran into a nuclear deal, Iran has revealed a potentially devastating countermove that targets the backbone of the global digital economy: the undersea internet cables transiting the Strait of Hormuz.


In a development that underscores the widening scope of the confrontation, Iranian state media reported today that Tehran is considering imposing licensing fees and royalties on foreign operators running subsea cables through its territorial waters. The move, if implemented, would weaponize Iran's geographic position to hold hostage nearly 30% of global data traffic and 90% of digital communications between Asia and Europe.

According to reports from IRGC-affiliated news outlets Tasnim and Fars, Iranian officials are framing the issue as a matter of sovereignty. Any cable laid on the seabed without explicit authorization constitutes "occupation of Iranian soil underwater," the outlets claimed, and must therefore be subject to licensing and fees.

The proposed framework would require foreign operators to pay per-meter infrastructure fees and licensing royalties to route cables through Iranian territorial waters in the Strait of Hormuz. While the legal merits of such a claim remain contentious under international maritime law, the geopolitical leverage is undeniable.

Tehran is reportedly modeling its approach on Egypt's monetization of subsea cables transiting the Suez Canal corridor. Cairo currently earns between $250 million and $400 million annually from fees charged to cable operators using the strategic waterway. For Iran, facing crippling sanctions and a war economy, such revenue streams represent both a financial lifeline and a mechanism to assert control over a critical global chokepoint.

However, the implications extend far beyond revenue generation. The subsea cables in question—including the FALCON, GBI, and Gulf-TGN networks—are not merely internet conduits. They enable the bulk of financial transactions, cloud data services, and secure communications flowing between Europe and Asia via the Middle East.

The statistics are staggering:

  • 17 submarine cables currently pass through the Strait of Hormuz.
  • These cables carry nearly 30% of global data traffic.
  • They handle 90% of all data flow between Asia and Europe.

Globally, 99% of intercontinental internet traffic is transmitted through undersea cable networks that support communications, finance, cloud systems, and military operations.

Unlike oil tankers, which can be rerouted (albeit at great cost), subsea cables are fixed infrastructure. They cannot be easily moved or replaced. Disruption or forced renegotiation of their status would send shockwaves through global financial markets, disrupt cloud computing services, and complicate military communications for nations dependent on these data corridors.

The timing of this disclosure is significant. As the Trump administration reportedly considers escalated military action to coerce Tehran into signing a nuclear deal, Iran is signaling that it possesses asymmetric tools that extend far beyond its missile arsenal or proxy networks.

Threatening the legal status of subsea cables achieves several strategic objectives for Tehran:

Economic Leverage: It creates a potential revenue stream while threatening to impose costs on the global economy, thereby increasing pressure on Western capitals to seek diplomatic off-ramps.

Deterrence: It signals that any military conflict would not be contained to conventional battlefields but would immediately impact the digital infrastructure underpinning the global economy.

Sovereignty Assertion: It reinforces Iran's narrative that it will not be bullied into surrendering its rights, extending that defiance from the nuclear realm to the digital and maritime domains.

Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), coastal states have sovereignty over their territorial waters (up to 12 nautical miles from the baseline), but foreign vessels and cables generally enjoy rights of innocent passage. However, the legal regime regarding subsea cables in territorial waters is complex and less tested than in exclusive economic zones (EEZs) or the high seas.

Iran's argument that unauthorized cables constitute "occupation" pushes the boundaries of international law. Yet, in the realm of geopolitical coercion, legal precision often matters less than the ability to disrupt. Even the threat of legal harassment, licensing delays, or selective enforcement could deter investment in cable maintenance or repairs, gradually degrading the resilience of these critical networks.

For policymakers in Washington, Brussels, and Asian capitals, Iran's move highlights a vulnerability that has long been underestimated. The global digital economy rests on physical infrastructure concentrated in a few geographic chokepoints. The Strait of Hormuz, already critical for energy security, is now being framed by Tehran as equally vital for data security.

If the Trump administration proceeds with military escalation, it must now calculate not only the risks of regional war and oil price shocks but also the potential for immediate disruption to the internet backbone connecting East and West. Iran has effectively signaled that in a conflict, no domain—nuclear, conventional, or digital—is off-limits.

The disclosure of this "digital card" suggests that Tehran is preparing for a long game of asymmetric pressure. Whether this serves as a deterrent to war or a prelude to further escalation may well depend on how seriously the international community takes the threat to the cables lying silently on the seabed of the Hormuz Strait.





Friday, May 08, 2026

Pakistan’s Strategic Calculus in a Post-Hormuz World

    Friday, May 08, 2026   No comments

The sudden closure of the Strait of Hormuz following the February 28, 2026, military campaign against Iran by the United States and Israel has triggered one of the most severe disruptions to global maritime trade in recent decades. However, for Pakistan, the blockade is not just a security or economic liability; it is a strategic inflection point. Rather than retreating into passive alignment, Islamabad has moved swiftly to transform a maritime crisis into a terrestrial opportunity. By operationalizing overland transit corridors to Iran, Pakistan is pursuing a calculated three-pronged strategy: elevating its regional diplomatic and economic clout, constraining India’s strategic alternatives, and forging a continuous trade artery linking China to Iran, with the long-term ambition of extending this corridor westward into the broader Eurasian network.


To understand Pakistan’s response, one must view the crisis through the lens of historical trade geography. For millennia, corridors like the Silk Road have dictated the flow of wealth, influence, and political alignment across continents. When sea lanes are disrupted, land routes regain their strategic premium. The Strait of Hormuz has long functioned as the modern equivalent of a maritime chokepoint, channeling a critical share of global energy and commercial shipping. Its closure has forced regional actors to reconsider over-reliance on vulnerable sea passages. Pakistan’s decision to pivot toward overland transit is rooted in this historical reality: control of land corridors translates directly into geopolitical leverage, economic relevance, and diplomatic indispensability.


Pakistan’s immediate response to the Hormuz blockade has been to position itself as the primary logistical lifeline for Iran. As of late April 2026, Islamabad has designated six new transit routes and formally cleared the passage of third-country goods to Iran through Pakistani territory. This move addresses a pressing bottleneck: more than 3,000 Iran-bound shipping containers have been stranded in Karachi since the imposition of the US-led maritime blockade. By converting these stranded maritime shipments into an overland pipeline, Pakistan transforms its ports and road networks into critical regional infrastructure. This operational shift elevates Islamabad from a peripheral actor to a central facilitator of Asian trade, granting it diplomatic leverage with Tehran, Beijing, and other regional stakeholders while generating domestic economic activity in logistics, rail, and customs administration.


Pakistan’s overland strategy also carries a clear counterweight to India’s longstanding regional ambitions. Since October 2017, New Delhi has developed the Chabahar Port corridor in southeastern Iran as a direct trade route to Afghanistan, explicitly designed to bypass Pakistani territory. This route has provided India with strategic access to Central Asia and diminished Pakistan’s geographic leverage over regional commerce. The Hormuz crisis, however, fundamentally alters the strategic calculus. With maritime routes disrupted and Iran under severe economic and logistical strain, the reliability and security of India’s Chabahar-dependent supply chains are compromised. Pakistan’s newly activated land corridors through Balochistan and Sindh offer a faster, more contiguous, and geographically integrated alternative for regional trade. By linking Iranian logistics directly to its own port infrastructure, Pakistan not only undermines India’s bypass strategy but also reasserts its indispensability in South Asian and Central Asian trade networks.


At the core of Pakistan’s post-Hormuz calculus is the ambition to seamlessly integrate the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) with Iranian transit infrastructure. CPEC, which links China’s Xinjiang region to the Arabian Sea via Gwadar and Karachi, has long been envisioned as a cornerstone of broader Eurasian connectivity. The current crisis accelerates the practical need to extend this corridor inland. By routing Chinese and third-country goods through Pakistan into Iran, Islamabad creates a continuous land-based trade artery stretching from East Asia to the Persian Gulf. From Iran, this network holds the structural potential to connect westward into Iraq, the Levant, and eventually European markets, effectively reviving and modernizing the western branches of historical trade routes. Such a corridor would reduce regional dependency on vulnerable maritime chokepoints while positioning Pakistan as the central node in a transcontinental supply chain.


This recalibration is not without geopolitical risk. Facilitating trade to Iran under a US-imposed blockade inevitably strains Pakistan’s relationship with Washington, which has historically leveraged financial and security partnerships to influence Islamabad’s foreign policy. However, Pakistan’s calculus appears to prioritize long-term strategic autonomy over short-term alignment. By framing its transit operations as humanitarian and economic necessities rather than overtly political maneuvers, Islamabad seeks to maintain diplomatic flexibility while advancing its regional integration agenda. The bet is clear: sustained transit revenues, infrastructure development, and elevated regional standing will ultimately outweigh temporary friction with Western partners.


The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has exposed the fragility of globalized maritime trade, but it has also revealed new pathways for regional realignment. For Pakistan, the crisis is a catalyst rather than a constraint. By transforming its territory into a vital overland conduit between China, Iran, and beyond, Islamabad aims to amplify its diplomatic clout, curtail India’s strategic alternatives, and lay the groundwork for a westward-expanding trade corridor. In doing so, Pakistan is not merely reacting to a blockade; it is actively reshaping the architecture of Eurasian commerce, leveraging geography, infrastructure, and transit diplomacy to secure its place in a post-Hormuz order.






Friday, May 01, 2026

Why Gas Prices Tell a Truer Story About the U.S. Economy than the Stock Market

    Friday, May 01, 2026   No comments

When the stock market hits a new high, financial networks celebrate. But walk into any gas station in America, and you'll find a different story—one written in dollars per gallon, not decimal points on a trading screen. For the informed reader trying to separate signal from noise, gasoline prices offer something the S&P 500 cannot: a direct, unfiltered read on the real economy.

The stock market is a remarkable machine for pricing future expectations. But expectations are fragile things. They shift on Fed whispers, algorithmic momentum, geopolitical rumors, and the collective mood of investors who may never pump a gallon of gas or load a truck. Equity valuations can soar while wages stagnate, or plunge while Main Street hums along. This isn't a flaw in the market—it's a feature of what the market measures: sentiment, leverage, and forward-looking bets.

Gasoline prices measure something else entirely. They are the price of motion. Every commute, every delivery, every harvest depends on fuel. When you fill your tank, you aren't trading a derivative—you're paying a cost that cannot be deferred, leveraged, or wished away. That immediacy is why gas prices cut through financial abstraction and speak directly to economic reality.


Economists talk about "sticky" prices—costs that resist moving downward even when conditions improve. Gasoline is sticky in the most consequential way: it embeds itself into the structure of daily life and business.

Consider the chain reaction. A sustained rise in pump prices doesn't just pinch household budgets; it raises the cost of shipping food, materials, and goods. Trucking companies adjust freight rates. Farmers factor higher diesel costs into planting decisions. Retailers recalculate margins. These adjustments aren't reversed when a headline fades. Once a cost becomes part of the operating calculus, it tends to stay.

This stickiness is why prolonged high gas prices matter more than temporary spikes. A brief surge might be absorbed. But when prices remain elevated for weeks or months, they cease to be a shock and become a structural feature of the economy. That's when the real pressure builds—not on portfolios, but on paychecks, profit margins, and political accountability.


AAA's daily state-by-state gas price map uses color to show economic reality: red for higher prices, blue for lower. Since late February 2026, that map has been turning redder across the country. This shift followed escalating tensions in the Middle East, which disrupted global oil markets and pushed crude prices sharply higher.

The pattern isn't about politics—it's about physics and logistics. States farther from Gulf Coast refineries, those with limited pipeline access, or regions requiring specialized fuel blends saw the steepest climbs. But the economic impact transcends geography. In agricultural states, where diesel powers tractors, combines, and freight trucks, rising fuel costs don't just affect drivers—they affect food prices, farm viability, and rural livelihoods.

What makes this trend especially significant is its persistence. Unlike stock prices, which can reverse on a single news item, gasoline prices reflect physical constraints: how much crude is available, how fast refineries can process it, and how reliably it can reach American pumps. These are not variables that respond to press conferences.


Politicians understand the power of the gas pump. A spike in prices can dominate headlines and shift public sentiment overnight. But here's the crucial difference: while leaders can influence financial markets through rhetoric or policy signals, they cannot talk down the price of gasoline.

Fuel costs respond to tangible factors—global supply chains, refining capacity, geopolitical stability in oil-producing regions, and seasonal demand. Even if diplomatic breakthroughs occur, the lag between crude oil and finished gasoline means relief at the pump takes weeks to materialize. And history shows that prices tend to rise faster than they fall. This inertia makes gas prices a more honest indicator of sustained economic pressure than assets driven by sentiment.


At its core, the argument isn't that the stock market is irrelevant. It's that gasoline prices offer a complementary lens—one grounded in the daily experience of millions of Americans. When a family budgets for a tank of gas, when a small business owner calculates delivery costs, when a farmer decides whether to plant an extra acre, they are making decisions based on real prices, not abstract valuations.

And when those prices stay high, the consequences ripple outward. Consumers cut back on discretionary spending. Businesses delay expansion. Wage negotiations grow tense. These are the mechanisms through which energy costs translate into broader economic momentum—or stagnation.


For those seeking to understand where the economy is headed, the lesson is simple: watch the pump. Not as a replacement for financial market analysis, but as a necessary reality check. Stock indices tell you what investors believe will happen. Gas prices tell you what households and businesses are paying right now.

When the two diverge—and they often do—the informed reader should ask which metric is more likely to shape the next chapter of economic life. If history is any guide, the answer leans toward the number on the gas station sign. Because in the end, economies aren't powered by portfolios. They're powered by fuel. And the price of that fuel writes a story no ticker tape can rewrite.

Friday, April 17, 2026

Media Review: Hormuz Tensions, Diplomatic Shifts, and Energy Outlook

    Friday, April 17, 2026   No comments

 Your concise roundup of today's key developments from international media

 Strait of Hormuz: Cautious Opening Amid Uncertainty


Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced that, in coordination with the Lebanon ceasefire framework, the Strait of Hormuz is now fully open to commercial vessels along pre-established routes. The declaration aims to ease global shipping concerns—but comes as the International Energy Agency (IEA) warns that energy markets remain fragile. IEA Executive Director Fatih Birol cautioned that while pre-war supply levels could return in approximately two years, any prolonged disruption to the Strait could trigger significant price spikes. "No new tankers were loaded in March," Birol noted, highlighting a growing supply gap for Asian markets.

Diplomatic Security: Pakistan's Aerial Escort


In a striking demonstration of regional solidarity, Pakistan's Air Force deployed around two dozen fighter jets plus AWACS aircraft to escort Iranian negotiators home following inconclusive talks with the United States. According to Reuters sources, the operation responded to Tehran's concerns about potential Israeli targeting—a reminder of how quickly diplomatic engagements can intersect with security threats in today's volatile landscape.

 Allied Coordination: Europe Mobilizes for Navigation Mission

France and the United Kingdom are spearheading a multinational effort involving roughly 40 nations to reaffirm commitment to freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. The upcoming meeting will focus on diplomatic backing for international law, support for over 20,000 stranded seafarers, and planning for a future defensive maritime mission. European diplomats hint at a potential operational hub in Oman—signaling pragmatic coordination even amid broader geopolitical fractures.

Reconstruction or Rearmament? Conflicting Narratives on Iran's Missile Sites

While diplomatic channels remain active, Israel's Channel 14 reports that Iran is using the ceasefire window to accelerate reconstruction of missile infrastructure. Citing satellite imagery, the report alleges deployment of Chinese lifting equipment and Russian technical expertise at the Imam Ali missile base, with efforts to deepen underground facilities and upgrade system resilience. Tehran has not publicly commented on these claims, which underscore the challenge of verifying activities during fragile pauses in conflict.

 Beyond the Headlines: Space and Connectivity

In other developments, Russia successfully launched a Soyuz-2.1B rocket from Plesetsk Cosmodrome, reportedly deploying military payloads and potentially expanding its "Rassvet" low-orbit satellite internet constellation—a strategic move in the growing competition for space-based communications infrastructure.

Why This Matters

These interconnected stories reveal a world navigating delicate transitions: ceasefires creating both opportunity and ambiguity, alliances recalibrating around shared economic interests, and critical infrastructure—from shipping lanes to satellite networks—becoming focal points of strategic competition.

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Sunday, March 15, 2026

The High Cost of Reactive Strategy

    Sunday, March 15, 2026   No comments

Oil, Sanctions, and the Global Economy


In the complex arena of geopolitical economics, few tools are as potent as oil sanctions, and few markets are as sensitive as global energy. A recent policy shift involving the temporary suspension of sanctions on Russian oil has sparked intense debate among economists and strategists. The decision, framed as a necessary move to stabilize soaring energy prices following heightened tensions in the Middle East, reveals a deeper tension between short-term economic relief and long-term strategic coherence. While the immediate goal is to lower costs for consumers, the underlying logic risks creating perverse incentives that could prolong instability and undermine the very mechanisms designed to enforce global norms.

The Mechanics of the Crisis

To understand the gravity of this decision, one must first understand the leverage points involved. Oil is the lifeblood of the modern industrial economy. When supply is disrupted—whether by conflict in the Strait of Hormuz or production cuts—prices spike. These spikes ripple outward, increasing the cost of transportation, manufacturing, and food production, ultimately fueling inflation that hurts households worldwide.

Sanctions are traditionally used as a non-military tool to pressure nations into changing behavior. There are most effective when they are done by consensus and in accordance to international norms. By cutting a country like Russia off from the global oil market, the anti-Russia block aims to deprive it of the revenue needed to fund conflict. However, this tool is a double-edged sword. Restricting supply from a major producer inevitably tightens the global market, driving prices up.

The recent announcement to pause these sanctions was justified by the need to flood the market with additional supply to counteract price hikes caused by regional conflict involving Iran. The stated intention is temporary: once the crisis abates and prices stabilize, the sanctions will return. On the surface, this appears to be a pragmatic humanitarian adjustment. Yet, when examined through the lens of game theory and strategic incentives, the move exposes a significant vulnerability in reactive policymaking.

The Strategic Flaw: A Lesson in Incentives


The core criticism of this policy is not about the desire for affordable oil, but about the signal it sends to adversarial actors. By linking the relief of sanctions on one front (Russia) to the resolution of a conflict on another (Iran), the policy inadvertently creates a profitable alliance between disparate actors who benefit from continued instability.

This dynamic can be understood through a simple analogy. Imagine a neighborhood where a child, let's call him R, is banned from selling lemonade because his friend, I, is sharing profits with him. The ban is meant to punish I. However, I responds by blocking other kids from selling lemonade too, creating a shortage that drives prices sky-high. Seeing the high prices, R's father lifts the ban on R, saying he can sell again until I stops blocking the others.

In this scenario, what is R's best move? Rational self-interest dictates that R should encourage I to keep blocking the competition. As long as the shortage persists, the price of lemonade remains high. R can sell less volume but make more profit, sharing the excess with I. The punishment intended for I has been neutralized, and both parties are now financially incentivized to maintain the crisis rather than resolve it.

Translating this to the global stage, the temporary easing of sanctions on Russian oil removes the pressure on Moscow to seek peace or de-escalate. Instead, it allows Russia to continue generating revenue while global prices remain elevated due to the unrelated conflict with Iran. If the promise to "reinstate sanctions later" lacks credibility or enforceability, the leverage is lost entirely. The market perceives the pause not as a temporary fix, but as a weakening of resolve, encouraging other nations to test the limits of economic coercion.

Implications for the World Economy

The economic implications of this strategic misalignment are profound. First, it introduces volatility into energy markets. Investors and industries thrive on predictability. When sanctions policy becomes reactive—shifting based on the latest headline rather than a cohesive long-term plan—it creates uncertainty. This uncertainty can lead to hoarding, speculative trading, and further price swings, negating the intended stabilizing effect of the policy.

Second, it risks entrenching inflation. If the structural incentives keep oil supplies artificially constrained by geopolitical maneuvering rather than genuine scarcity, the baseline cost of energy remains high. This "conflict premium" becomes embedded in the global economy, slowing growth and reducing the standard of living for consumers worldwide.

Third, and perhaps most dangerously, it erodes the efficacy of sanctions as a diplomatic tool. Sanctions rely on the threat of economic pain to change behavior. If that pain can be easily alleviated by shifting geopolitical winds, the threat loses its teeth. Future attempts to use economic pressure to halt aggression may be ignored by adversaries who anticipate similar waivers will be granted when prices rise.

The Need for Strategic Coherence

The situation underscores a fundamental principle of statecraft: tactics must serve strategy, not replace it. Lowering oil prices is a worthy goal, but not if it comes at the cost of empowering aggressors or dismantling the frameworks designed to maintain international security. A more robust approach would involve stopping aggression: any and all acts attacking sovereign nations outside the framework of International Law.

Using the most powerful hammer, armed forces, to hit every nail that appears, without a plan for the structural damage left behind, risks leaving a trail of destruction that will be costly to repair. The global economy requires leadership that anticipates second-order effects—understanding that a decision made to solve today's price spike could tomorrow's conflict longer and more expensive.

In the end, the lesson is clear. In an interconnected world, economic decisions are never isolated. They send signals, create incentives, and shape the behavior of nations. When those signals are mixed, and the incentives reward instability, the entire global system pays the price. True stability comes not from reactive pauses, but from a consistent, strategic vision that aligns economic tools with long-term peace and security.

Friday, January 16, 2026

Historic China-Canada Trade Reset Signals a Shifting Global Order

    Friday, January 16, 2026   No comments

 In a landmark diplomatic and economic breakthrough, Canada and China have agreed to slash bilateral tariffs on key goods—including electric vehicles (EVs), canola, and seafood—marking what Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney called a “historic reset” of relations strained for nearly a decade. The agreement, finalized during Carney’s state visit to Beijing—the first by a Canadian prime minister since 2017—comes not only in the wake of long-standing trade tensions but also amid growing global resistance to America’s increasingly unilateral economic coercion.

The Enduring Fallout of Trump-Era Protectionism—and Its Escalation


The roots of today’s China-Canada trade thaw lie in the turbulence unleashed by the Trump administration’s aggressive tariff regime. Beginning in 2018, Washington imposed sweeping duties on Chinese goods, triggering retaliatory measures from Beijing and setting off a chain reaction that ensnared allied economies like Canada’s. When Ottawa aligned with U.S.-led sanctions on Chinese EVs in 2024—imposing a blanket 100% tariff—Beijing responded by targeting Canadian agricultural exports, particularly canola, with tariffs soaring to 84%. The fallout was swift: by 2025, China’s imports of Canadian goods had dropped by 10.4%, hitting farmers and rural communities hardest.


Now, both nations are stepping back from the brink. Under the new deal, Canada will allow up to 49,000 Chinese EVs annually at a reduced 6.1% most-favored-nation tariff, while China will lower its canola seed tariff to approximately 15%. The changes take effect March 1, 2026, and are expected to unlock billions in trade across agriculture, fisheries, and clean tech sectors.


But this reset is not just about mending past wounds—it’s a strategic recalibration in response to a broader American policy trend that threatens global economic stability.


New U.S. Tariffs on Iran Partners Backfire Before They Even Take Effect

Adding fuel to this realignment is the Biden administration’s recently announced plan to impose 25% punitive tariffs on any country that conducts significant trade with Iran—a move ostensibly aimed at isolating Tehran but one that risks alienating two of the world’s largest economies: China and India. Both nations are among Iran’s top trading partners, with China alone importing over $20 billion in Iranian oil annually under long-term energy agreements, often settled in yuan or rupees to bypass U.S. financial controls.


Rather than compelling compliance, this latest U.S. sanction threat is accelerating a counter-movement. Countries unwilling to sacrifice lucrative partnerships with Iran—or bow to Washington’s extraterritorial demands—are deepening ties with China as a hedge against American economic coercion. The Canada-China deal is just the latest example. Similar overtures are already underway from Gulf states like the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which—while maintaining security ties with the U.S.—are quietly expanding yuan-denominated trade, joint infrastructure projects, and technology partnerships with Beijing.

As one Asian diplomat recently confided: “If doing business with half the world means being punished by Washington, then we must build alternatives that don’t depend on it.”

Prime Minister Carney made this shift explicit. Speaking after his meeting with President Xi Jinping, he warned that “the architecture, the multilateral system is being eroded—undercut.” His reference to a “new global order” reflects a sober recognition: the era of unquestioned U.S. economic leadership is ending—not because of Chinese aggression, but because of American overreach.

President Xi reinforced this vision, stating: “A divided world cannot address the common challenges facing humanity. The solution lies in upholding and practicing true multilateralism.” Notably, both leaders pledged to expand cooperation in green technology, critical minerals, and food security—sectors central to future economic sovereignty.

Carney set an ambitious goal: a 50% increase in Canadian exports to China by 2030. Achieving it would not only revive rural economies but also position Canada as a pragmatic player in a multipolar trade system—one where loyalty is earned through partnership, not enforced through tariffs.


The Self-Defeating Logic of Economic Coercion

The irony is stark. By wielding tariffs as weapons—first against China, now against any nation engaging with Iran—the United States is not strengthening its global position but weakening it. Each new sanction pushes traditional allies and neutral economies closer to Beijing’s orbit, not out of ideological alignment, but out of economic necessity and strategic self-preservation.

The Canada-China reset is not an isolated event. It is a harbinger. As more nations conclude that reliance on U.S. markets comes with unacceptable political risk, they will seek alternatives. And China—offering market access without political strings—is ready to fill the void. In the long run, America’s tariff wars may succeed only in hastening the very multipolar world it fears.

Monday, January 06, 2025

Indonesia now has full membership in BRICS

    Monday, January 06, 2025   No comments

Indonesia has officially joined the BRICS group of major emerging economies as a full member, the Brazilian government said in a statement on Monday, a bloc that brings together emerging economies including China, India and Russia.

The Brazilian Foreign Ministry said the most populous country in Southeast Asia “shares with other members the desire to reform global governance institutions and contribute positively to cooperation within the Global South.”

Indonesia’s candidacy was approved at the 2023 BRICS summit in Johannesburg, South Africa.

Brazil will assume the presidency of the group in 2025. BRICS comprises Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, but is expanding to include other countries.

Indonesia formally put in request for BRICS membership last year during the organization's meeitng in Russia.

After the announcement from Barizil, China released its own statement saying that it "welcomes and warmly congratulates Indonesia on becoming a full member of BRICS", according to a foreign ministry spokesperson.

Tuesday, December 17, 2024

Islamic D-8: can this intergovernmental organization help stabilize Southwest Asia and North Africa?

    Tuesday, December 17, 2024   No comments

Cairo will host the 11th edition of the D8 Summit on Thursday, 19-12-2024, which will discuss ways to confront successive global economic and political changes. The summit will be held under the slogan "Investing in Youth and Supporting Small and Medium Enterprises: Shaping Tomorrow's Economy."


Egypt chairs the current edition of the summit, having assumed the presidency of the group last May and will continue to lead its work until the end of next year.

Several summits and bilateral meetings are scheduled to be held on the sidelines of the D8 Summit in Cairo, whether at the level of presidents or delegations participating in the conference.

The meeting of the foreign ministers of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Pakistan, Indonesia, Nigeria, Malaysia, and Bangladesh will be held tomorrow, Wednesday.

Several heads of state will be attending this summit this year, including Iran's president.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian plans to attend the summit of the Developing Eight (D8) Islamic countries in Egypt on Thursday, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said Tuesday. This is the first visit by an Iranian president to Egypt in more than a decade.

Relations between Egypt and Iran have generally been tense in recent decades, but the two countries have intensified high-level diplomatic contacts since the Gaza war broke out last year, in which Egypt has tried to mediate. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi traveled to Egypt in October to discuss regional issues with Egyptian officials, and his Egyptian counterpart Badr Abdel Aty traveled to Tehran in July to attend Pezeshkian’s inauguration.

Indonesian president will attend D-8

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto will travel to Egypt on Tuesday to attend meetings of a group of eight major Muslim nations known as the Developing Eight (D8) Economic Cooperation Organization, the government said.

Prabowo will attend meetings, including a D8 summit on Thursday, and accept the group’s chairmanship for a two-year term starting on Jan. 1, 2026, Foreign Ministry spokesman Roy Soemirat told reporters on Monday.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan will participate tomorrow, Wednesday, in the 21st meeting of the G8 Foreign Ministers Council, which will be held in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, within the framework of the D8 Summit.

According to diplomatic sources in the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the meeting will address developments in the Palestinian Gaza Strip and other regional issues.

During the meeting, Fidan is expected to call for an immediate end to the genocide committed by Israel in Palestine and its measures aimed at turning the war into a regional conflict.

He is also expected to point out the importance of advancing efforts to implement the two-state solution in conjunction with reaching an immediate ceasefire.

Fidan will highlight the importance of providing urgent humanitarian aid to Gaza and increasing support for the efforts of the workers of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).

The meeting of the Foreign Ministers Council comes within the framework of preparing for the summit hosted by Cairo next Thursday, with the participation of delegations from the group's countries: Turkey, Egypt, Nigeria, Pakistan, Iran, Indonesia, Malaysia and Bangladesh.

The summit is scheduled to be held under the theme “Investing in Youth and Supporting SMEs: Shaping Tomorrow’s Economy.”

Attendance of the D-8 Summit in Cairo

The Indonesian government announced that President Prabowo Subianto will travel to Egypt today, Tuesday, to attend the group's meetings and the upcoming summit next Thursday, and will accept the group's presidency for a year.

In addition, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei announced that Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian will participate in the G8 Summit in Egypt.

The Pakistani Embassy in Cairo also confirmed that Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif will pay an official visit to Egypt from December 18 to 20 to participate in the summit's activities.

President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi handed the Lebanese caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati an invitation to participate in the summit's activities, as the Lebanese Prime Minister received the invitation from the Egyptian Ambassador Alaa Moussa, during his reception on December 9 at the Grand Serail.

The Middle East Eye website also reported that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will participate in the group's meeting and will hold meetings related to current developments in Syria.

About the D-8: the Developing Eight

The G8, also known as the Developing Eight, is a development cooperation system between the following member states: Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Turkey. This system also adds a new dimension aimed at strengthening economic relations and social ties among its members.

The G8 was officially established at the Summit of Heads of State and Government held in Istanbul on June 15, 1997 (Istanbul Declaration), following the "Cooperation for Development" Conference held on October 22, 1996 and a series of preparatory meetings.

The G8 aims to:

Improving the position of developing countries in the global economy.

Creating new opportunities in trade relations.

Enhancing the participation of developing countries in international decision-making.

Achieving better living standards.

The most important features of the G8:

It is a global system, not a regional one, as is clearly evident in its founding members.

Its membership is open to other developing countries that share the objectives and principles of the Group and are linked by common ties with it.

It is a forum that has no adverse effect on the bilateral and international obligations of its member states towards its membership and towards international organizations.

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