Showing posts with label China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label China. Show all posts

Friday, January 16, 2026

Historic China-Canada Trade Reset Signals a Shifting Global Order

    Friday, January 16, 2026   No comments

 In a landmark diplomatic and economic breakthrough, Canada and China have agreed to slash bilateral tariffs on key goods—including electric vehicles (EVs), canola, and seafood—marking what Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney called a “historic reset” of relations strained for nearly a decade. The agreement, finalized during Carney’s state visit to Beijing—the first by a Canadian prime minister since 2017—comes not only in the wake of long-standing trade tensions but also amid growing global resistance to America’s increasingly unilateral economic coercion.

The Enduring Fallout of Trump-Era Protectionism—and Its Escalation


The roots of today’s China-Canada trade thaw lie in the turbulence unleashed by the Trump administration’s aggressive tariff regime. Beginning in 2018, Washington imposed sweeping duties on Chinese goods, triggering retaliatory measures from Beijing and setting off a chain reaction that ensnared allied economies like Canada’s. When Ottawa aligned with U.S.-led sanctions on Chinese EVs in 2024—imposing a blanket 100% tariff—Beijing responded by targeting Canadian agricultural exports, particularly canola, with tariffs soaring to 84%. The fallout was swift: by 2025, China’s imports of Canadian goods had dropped by 10.4%, hitting farmers and rural communities hardest.


Now, both nations are stepping back from the brink. Under the new deal, Canada will allow up to 49,000 Chinese EVs annually at a reduced 6.1% most-favored-nation tariff, while China will lower its canola seed tariff to approximately 15%. The changes take effect March 1, 2026, and are expected to unlock billions in trade across agriculture, fisheries, and clean tech sectors.


But this reset is not just about mending past wounds—it’s a strategic recalibration in response to a broader American policy trend that threatens global economic stability.


New U.S. Tariffs on Iran Partners Backfire Before They Even Take Effect

Adding fuel to this realignment is the Biden administration’s recently announced plan to impose 25% punitive tariffs on any country that conducts significant trade with Iran—a move ostensibly aimed at isolating Tehran but one that risks alienating two of the world’s largest economies: China and India. Both nations are among Iran’s top trading partners, with China alone importing over $20 billion in Iranian oil annually under long-term energy agreements, often settled in yuan or rupees to bypass U.S. financial controls.


Rather than compelling compliance, this latest U.S. sanction threat is accelerating a counter-movement. Countries unwilling to sacrifice lucrative partnerships with Iran—or bow to Washington’s extraterritorial demands—are deepening ties with China as a hedge against American economic coercion. The Canada-China deal is just the latest example. Similar overtures are already underway from Gulf states like the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which—while maintaining security ties with the U.S.—are quietly expanding yuan-denominated trade, joint infrastructure projects, and technology partnerships with Beijing.

As one Asian diplomat recently confided: “If doing business with half the world means being punished by Washington, then we must build alternatives that don’t depend on it.”

Prime Minister Carney made this shift explicit. Speaking after his meeting with President Xi Jinping, he warned that “the architecture, the multilateral system is being eroded—undercut.” His reference to a “new global order” reflects a sober recognition: the era of unquestioned U.S. economic leadership is ending—not because of Chinese aggression, but because of American overreach.

President Xi reinforced this vision, stating: “A divided world cannot address the common challenges facing humanity. The solution lies in upholding and practicing true multilateralism.” Notably, both leaders pledged to expand cooperation in green technology, critical minerals, and food security—sectors central to future economic sovereignty.

Carney set an ambitious goal: a 50% increase in Canadian exports to China by 2030. Achieving it would not only revive rural economies but also position Canada as a pragmatic player in a multipolar trade system—one where loyalty is earned through partnership, not enforced through tariffs.


The Self-Defeating Logic of Economic Coercion

The irony is stark. By wielding tariffs as weapons—first against China, now against any nation engaging with Iran—the United States is not strengthening its global position but weakening it. Each new sanction pushes traditional allies and neutral economies closer to Beijing’s orbit, not out of ideological alignment, but out of economic necessity and strategic self-preservation.

The Canada-China reset is not an isolated event. It is a harbinger. As more nations conclude that reliance on U.S. markets comes with unacceptable political risk, they will seek alternatives. And China—offering market access without political strings—is ready to fill the void. In the long run, America’s tariff wars may succeed only in hastening the very multipolar world it fears.

Tuesday, December 30, 2025

China’s “Justice Mission 2025” Drills Signal Strategic Shift Around Taiwan

    Tuesday, December 30, 2025   No comments

In a powerful display of military coordination and strategic messaging, China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has concluded the second day of its expansive “Justice Mission 2025” joint military drills encircling Taiwan. The maneuvers, which began on December 29, represent far more than routine training—they constitute a calibrated assertion of Beijing’s resolve to deter “Taiwan independence” and block foreign interference, particularly from the United States and Japan.

The exercises, orchestrated by the PLA Eastern Theater Command, brought together integrated forces from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Rocket Force. Live-fire drills on Tuesday morning targeted waters north of Taiwan, followed by simulated joint strikes to the south in the afternoon. According to official reports, every rocket launched from long-range modularized rocket systems struck its intended target—a demonstration not only of precision but of psychological pressure.

“This series of exercises demonstrates our strong capability to seize comprehensive control of the Taiwan Strait,” said Zhang Chi, a professor at China’s National Defense University. He emphasized that the drills combined “blockade and strike” operations across multiple domains—sea, air, land, and cyber—to enforce what Beijing describes as “multidimensional isolation” of the island.

A Three-Tiered Operational Framework

Zhang outlined the spatial architecture of the drills in three concentric arcs:

  1. Nearshore enforcement: China Coast Guard (CCG) vessels patrolled contested waters near Matsu and Wuqiu, enforcing maritime law and signaling administrative control.
  2. Encirclement of Taiwan: Naval and air assets pressed closer to the island, overseeing critical sea lanes and chokepoints, effectively disrupting civilian air traffic—941 flights were reportedly affected on Monday alone.
  3. Eastern theater projection: In the Pacific-facing waters east of Taiwan, the PLA conducted anti-submarine operations, air superiority drills, and amphibious raids using elite forces and unmanned systems, underscoring its readiness to interdict external reinforcements.

A provocative “Throat-Choking” poster released by the CCG depicted the interception of a Taiwanese cargo ship allegedly carrying U.S.-made HIMARS rocket launchers—highlighting Beijing’s focus on cutting off military supply lines as part of its coercive strategy.


Political Messaging and Domestic Repercussions

The timing of the drills is no coincidence. They follow a major U.S. arms sale to Taiwan worth $11.1 billion and escalating rhetoric from Taipei under President Lai Ching-te, whose approval ratings have slumped—52.2% of Taiwanese now express dissatisfaction with his leadership, according to a December poll.

Meanwhile, China is coupling military pressure with diplomatic outreach. Song Tao, head of the Communist Party’s Taiwan Affairs Office, met with nearly 200 Taiwanese business leaders during the drills, urging them to oppose “Taiwan independence” and support peaceful reunification. This dual-track approach—“tough on the tough, soft on the soft”—reflects Beijing’s evolving Taiwan policy, aimed at dividing pro-independence elites from the broader public and business community.

Despite the scale of the exercises, Washington’s response has been conspicuously muted. When asked by CBS News, the Pentagon offered “nothing to say,” while former U.S. President Donald Trump downplayed the drills as routine, saying, “They’ve been doing this for 20 years.”

But analysts suggest this restraint may mask strategic realism. “The mainland not only has vast numerical superiority, it now has qualitative superiority across the board—in weaponry and probably in training as well,” noted Lyle Goldstein of the U.S.-based think tank Defense Priorities.

Japanese media, including Nikkei and Jiji Press, interpreted the drills as a direct warning to Tokyo not to intervene in any future cross-strait contingency. A senior Japanese defense official acknowledged the exercises as a serious escalation, pledging to “stay vigilant.”


The Shadow of Taipei 101

Adding symbolic weight to the maneuvers, the PLA released drone footage on Monday showing Taipei 101—the island’s iconic skyscraper—under the shadow of Chinese military aircraft. The image resurrected a haunting prediction made a year ago by former Taiwanese security chief Su Chi: that if PLA jets ever photographed Taipei 101 at night, Taiwan would be powerless to stop them.

Now, that scenario appears less like prophecy and more like practice.

While Beijing insists the drills are defensive and aimed solely at separatists, their scope and synchronization suggest a rehearsal for real-world contingencies—including blockade, amphibious assault, and rapid decapitation strikes. As Professor Li Haidong of China Foreign Affairs University noted, “The U.S. and Japan know full well that achieving a military victory against China in the Taiwan Strait today is unrealistic.”

The “Justice Mission 2025” may not herald imminent invasion, but it undeniably marks a new threshold in China’s campaign to normalize military dominance over the Taiwan Strait—reshaping regional power dynamics while testing the limits of American and allied resolve. 

US precendent

This escalation around Taiwan must also be viewed in the broader context of U.S. foreign policy, which has repeatedly employed military pressure and coercive tactics against sovereign nations—most recently in Venezuela, where the U.S. government has intensified sanctions, conducted naval drills off the Caribbean coast, and openly supported opposition figures in efforts to undermine the Maduro administration. Washington justifies such actions under the guise of promoting democracy or countering authoritarianism, yet it rarely faces meaningful international consequences for violating principles of non-intervention. From China’s perspective, this double standard is glaring: if the United States can openly threaten, isolate, and destabilize a recognized sovereign state like Venezuela—without renouncing its own adherence to the “One China” policy—then Beijing contends it is well within its rights to treat Taiwan not as an independent actor, but as an internal matter. After all, every U.S. administration since 1979 has formally acknowledged that Taiwan is part of China, even while deepening unofficial ties. China thus frames its military posturing not as aggression, but as a proportionate and legitimate response to what it sees as American hypocrisy—using force to uphold sovereignty in one context while undermining it in another.


Wednesday, December 17, 2025

Media Review: Analysis of U.S. Intervention in Venezuela, Russian Actions in Ukraine, and China’s Stance on Taiwan

    Wednesday, December 17, 2025   No comments

As geopolitical tensions rise across the globe, the situations in Venezuela, Ukraine, and Taiwan serve as focal points for the strategic maneuvers of the United States, Russia, and China. Each of these regions reflects unique historical alliances and challenges, revealing profound implications on the global stage.

In Venezuela, the U.S. has embarked on a path that raises alarm bells not just for Latin America, but for the international community at large. Under the Trump administration, military deployments to the Caribbean have intensified, signaling a potential intervention in a country already strained by political and economic turmoil. The announcement that Venezuelan airspace would be “closed” evokes memories of earlier U.S. military operations, such as in Iraq. This time, however, the rhetoric suggests a dual purpose: while the U.S. claims it is targeting drug trafficking, many experts and observers sense a deeper agenda aimed at regime change, particularly focused on toppling President Nicolás Maduro.

Historically, Maduro has relied heavily on the support of his allies, notably Russia and China. Yet, in recent months, that support has waned considerably. Both Moscow and Beijing, once stalwart backers of Venezuela’s socialist government, appear to have shifted to a more symbolic stance. Their public statements of support lack the concrete military or financial assistance that Maduro might need during this hour of crisis. As the U.S. steps up its military activities, including naval forces and airstrikes, Russia finds itself navigating its own daunting challenges in Ukraine. The demands of that conflict have stretched Russian resources thin, diverting attention and funding away from its commitments in Latin America. Consequently, there is little incentive for Russia to risk further sanctions that would come from overtly supporting Maduro’s increasingly isolated regime.


Conversely, China's approach to the situation diverges sharply. While it continues to publicly oppose U.S. interference in Venezuela, Beijing has refrained from taking significant steps to defend Maduro. Instead, China seems focused on stabilizing its own economic interests rather than embroiling itself in a conflict that could jeopardize its fragile relationship with the United States. The reality is that China’s influence in Venezuela hinges less on unwavering ideological commitment and more on strategic economic calculations. By reducing new lending and prioritizing the recovery of past debts, China signals a pragmatic shift away from outright support for Maduro’s fragile government.

Meanwhile, the situation in Taiwan adds another dimension to this geopolitical puzzle. China, under Xi Jinping, remains adamant about its claims over Taiwan, treating it as a breakaway province rather than a separate entity. Beijing’s approach is defined by a readiness to utilize military posturing to assert its sovereignty, contrasting sharply with its reluctance to take a militaristic stance in Latin America. The dynamics in Taiwan reflect a calculated strategy aimed at consolidating its territorial claims, even as it navigates relationships with other nations, including the United States.

The contrasts among these events underscore the complexities of international relations where military commitments, regional stability, and economic interests collide. The U.S. appears intent on reinvigorating its influence in Latin America through potentially aggressive actions, while Russia's focus on Ukraine hinders its ability to support its allies elsewhere. China, too, must balance its ambitions, choosing when to assert its power and when to practice restraint.

As the world watches these developments unfold, the implications extend far beyond the borders of Venezuela, Ukraine, or Taiwan. The actions taken—or not taken—by these major powers may redefine the landscape of global alliances and power dynamics for years to come. In this moment of uncertainty, it becomes increasingly clear that the interconnectedness of global affairs demands a nuanced understanding of the motivations and limitations of each nation involved. The stakes are high, and the potential for conflict looms large as the balance of power continues to shift in unexpected ways.

Monday, December 15, 2025

China’s Rising Role in the Middle East: Mediator, Partner, and Power Broker

    Monday, December 15, 2025   No comments

In a region long dominated by U.S. influence and rife with geopolitical rivalries, China is steadily emerging as a pivotal diplomatic actor in the Middle East. The most striking evidence of this shift came in early 2023, when Beijing brokered a historic rapprochement between longtime adversaries Saudi Arabia and Iran—a move that not only stunned global observers but also signaled a new phase of Chinese engagement in West Asia. Now, more than two years later, the momentum of that breakthrough continues, with China deepening its strategic partnerships and expanding its footprint across the region.

The agreement between Riyadh and Tehran, facilitated by Chinese mediation and signed in Beijing in March 2023, marked a turning point in Middle Eastern geopolitics. For decades, the Sunni-Shia divide and proxy conflicts had fueled instability from Yemen to Syria, with Washington often taking sides or struggling to contain the fallout. China, by contrast, offered a neutral platform that prioritized dialogue over confrontation.

Recent developments confirm that this truce is not merely symbolic. On December 15, 2025, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi concluded high-level talks in Riyadh, where he affirmed China’s commitment to being Saudi Arabia’s “most trustworthy and dependable partner.” Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) echoed this sentiment, pledging to deepen cooperation in energy, artificial intelligence, and emerging technologies—sectors central to Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 economic transformation.

Crucially, both Saudi Arabia and Iran have continued to engage in direct dialogue since the Beijing-brokered deal, with trilateral meetings involving Chinese officials now becoming routine. A recent gathering of deputy foreign ministers from China, Iran, and Saudi Arabia in Tehran reaffirmed the three nations’ commitment to advancing bilateral relations between Riyadh and Tehran “in all fields” and hailed the “continuous progress” in their reconciliation.


China’s influence is not just diplomatic—it is increasingly economic and technological. As the world’s largest oil importer, China has long maintained strong energy ties with Gulf states. But Beijing is now moving beyond buyer-seller dynamics to become a strategic partner in Saudi Arabia’s national development goals.

During his Riyadh visit, Wang Yi emphasized expanding cooperation in “new energy,” AI, and high-tech industries—areas where China holds competitive advantages. Riyadh, for its part, expressed support for concluding a long-pending free trade agreement between China and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which would integrate the Chinese economy more deeply into the region’s commercial architecture.

Simultaneously, China’s stance on core regional issues—particularly the Palestinian question—resonates with Arab publics and governments alike. Both China and Saudi Arabia reiterated their support for a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital, aligning with the Arab Peace Initiative and UN resolutions. This positions Beijing as a more sympathetic voice than Western powers, whose policies are often viewed as unbalanced.

Unlike traditional great powers, China has avoided military entanglements in the Middle East, focusing instead on economic statecraft, infrastructure investment (under the Belt and Road Initiative), and “non-interference” in domestic affairs—a principle that appeals to sovereign-minded regimes in both Riyadh and Tehran.

Beijing’s approach also carries symbolic weight. Saudi Arabia’s reaffirmation of the one-China principle—recognizing Taiwan as part of China—during Wang’s visit underscores the mutual political support that underpins this new partnership. In return, China champions Saudi leadership in regional security and backs its diplomatic outreach to Iran.

This mutual reinforcement extends to multilateral forums. Riyadh has voiced strong support for China’s plan to host the second China–Arab States Summit and the second China–GCC Summit in 2026—events that will likely showcase Beijing’s expanding role as a convener and agenda-setter in West Asia.

China’s growing clout does not come without complications. The U.S. remains the dominant security provider in the Gulf, and Washington views Beijing’s advances with growing concern. Moreover, while the Saudi-Iran détente has reduced tensions, underlying ideological and strategic differences persist, and flare-ups in places like Yemen or Lebanon could still test the durability of the rapprochement.

Nonetheless, China’s success in facilitating dialogue between bitter rivals—and sustaining that dialogue through consistent engagement—has earned it a unique form of soft power in the region. By offering an alternative to Western-dominated security frameworks and promoting economic development without political strings, Beijing is reshaping the Middle East’s diplomatic landscape.

As Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s recent visit demonstrates, China is no longer just a passive observer in West Asia. It is an active mediator, a trusted partner, and an increasingly indispensable player in the quest for regional stability. In doing so, it has not only advanced its own strategic interests but also redefined what great-power diplomacy looks like in the 21st century.





Sunday, June 29, 2025

Iran–Pakistan Relations before and after the 12-Day Israel-Iran War

    Sunday, June 29, 2025   No comments

The recent 12-day war between Israel, US, and Iran has not only reshaped Middle Eastern dynamics but also sent ripples across South Asia—particularly impacting Iran's complex but evolving relationship with Pakistan. Although the two neighbors have shared a history of cautious cooperation punctuated by periods of distrust, the latest conflict appears to be accelerating a strategic convergence between Tehran and Islamabad. Just over a year ago, in January 2024, relations between Iran and Pakistan nearly derailed after a rare exchange of cross-border missile strikes. Iran targeted what it claimed were hideouts of the Sunni militant group "Jaish al-Adl" in Pakistan’s Balochistan province. Islamabad responded with airstrikes on Iranian territory, claiming to hit Baloch separatists threatening Pakistani sovereignty.

Despite this alarming escalation, diplomacy prevailed. A pivotal visit by then-Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in April 2024 helped cool tensions. The two countries agreed to treat their border as a “marketplace, not a battlefield,” leading to unprecedented cooperation—including intelligence sharing and a joint security operation in Balochistan. This pragmatic rapprochement was further reinforced in July and November 2024, when both nations coordinated the arrest and extradition of militants operating on either side of the border.

The 12-day war launched by Israel on Iran has reignited fears of regional destabilization. For Pakistan, the risk is not just ideological alignment with a fellow Muslim-majority state under siege; it's deeply strategic. Iran’s internal security vulnerabilities—exposed by Israeli strikes—create a vacuum that could empower militant groups like Jaish al-Adl, which have already carried out dozens of deadly attacks in Iran’s Sistan-Balochistan province. Pakistan fears that a weakened Iranian state would allow these groups to spill over into Pakistani territory, intensifying separatist violence in its own Balochistan province.

Moreover, the war has created space for greater alignment against perceived Israeli and Western aggression. Pakistan’s Defense Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif publicly condemned Israel, warning that Islamic nations could face similar fates if they remain divided. At the United Nations, Pakistan’s envoy described Israel's actions as a threat to the entire region and expressed full solidarity with the Iranian people.


General Asim Munir, Pakistan’s powerful Army Chief, visited Washington mid-June—his first official trip since 2001. There, he cautioned U.S. officials, including former President Donald Trump, against supporting the Israeli offensive. Munir argued that toppling Iran’s regime would lead to chaos across Balochistan and empower groups like Jaish al-Adl, which Washington itself classifies as a terrorist organization.

In private discussions, Munir also warned of the precedent that bombing Iran’s nuclear infrastructure might set. Although Israel has historically remained silent on Pakistan's nuclear arsenal, Islamabad remains sensitive to parallels drawn with its own facilities.

Despite its public support for Iran, Pakistan remains interested in preserving its long-standing but strained relationship with the U.S.—particularly in light of renewed American interest sparked by the Iran conflict. Pakistan’s hope is to use this geopolitical moment to negotiate economic and strategic concessions from both Washington and Beijing.

Over the past decade, Pakistan has leaned heavily into its strategic partnership with China, especially through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Yet Islamabad understands that overdependence on China is risky, particularly amid growing U.S.-China rivalry. Diversifying economic partners while aligning diplomatically with both superpowers offers Islamabad a path to stability and leverage.

The 12-day war has likely accelerated the slow-burning strategic realignment between Iran and Pakistan. Historically divided by sectarian suspicions and divergent foreign policy priorities, the two nations now find themselves driven together by shared security concerns, declining Western engagement, and expanding Chinese influence.

This doesn’t mean a full-fledged alliance is inevitable. Deep mistrust lingers—especially over past proxy support and sectarian competition. However, as both nations face a common threat from Israeli aggression, cross-border militancy, and marginalization by Western powers, their overlapping interests may now outweigh historical grievances.

The war has made one thing clear: Iran and Pakistan can no longer afford ambiguity in their relationship. Whether driven by fear, necessity, or opportunity, they appear to be moving—cautiously but decisively—toward a more robust partnership.

Wednesday, May 21, 2025

China, Pakistan agree with Kabul to expand CPEC to Afghanistan

    Wednesday, May 21, 2025   No comments

Pakistan, China, and Afghanistan agreed in a trilateral meeting in Beijing to formally extend the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to Afghanistan, strengthening regional connectivity under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The foreign ministers emphasized deeper cooperation in trade, infrastructure, and security, reaffirming their commitment to counterterrorism and regional stability. 


The next trilateral meeting will be held in Kabul. The talks took place during Deputy PM Ishaq Dar’s visit to China, which also addressed the recent Pakistan-India tensions and reaffirmed the strong China-Pakistan partnership.

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