Turkey Moves to Join Saudi-Pakistan Defense Pact, Fueling an Islamic Military Alliance Speculation

Turkey Moves to Join Saudi-Pakistan Defense Pact, Fueling an Islamic Military Alliance Speculation

    Friday, January 09, 2026   No comments

In a rapidly shifting global order marked by the United States’ perceived retreat from long-standing alliances, an unprecedented Israeli military strike on Qatar, and escalating regional security threats Middle Eastern and South Asian powers are redefining their defense strategies. The Saudi-Pakistani Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement, signed in September 2025, was merely the opening chapter. Now, with Turkey actively seeking to join the pact, the potential expansion of this alliance is becoming a geopolitical reality—one that could reshape security architectures across the Muslim world and beyond.

A potential trilateral military alliance among Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan is gaining momentum, following reports that Ankara is seeking formal membership in the bilateral defense pact signed by Riyadh and Islamabad in September 2025. According to sources familiar with the matter cited by Bloomberg, Turkey’s accession talks are at an advanced stage, with a deal appearing increasingly likely.

The development follows claims by prominent Turkish commentator Eyüp Sağcan, who asserted on January 6 that a comprehensive Turkish-Saudi-Pakistani military coalition was “ready and will be signed soon,” describing it as a world-shaking arrangement aimed at securing Muslim nations. While no official confirmation has emerged from any of the three capitals, the speculation aligns with deepening defense cooperation across the trio.

The original Saudi-Pakistan Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement includes a mutual defense clause—mirroring NATO’s Article 5—that treats aggression against one party as an attack on both. Pakistan, the only nuclear-armed Muslim-majority state, brings significant strategic heft to the partnership. Turkey, already NATO’s second-largest military, has long-standing defense ties with Pakistan, including joint fighter jet and drone programs, and has recently expanded defense industrial collaboration with Saudi Arabia, including local production of Akıncı combat drones.

Diplomatic engagement among the three countries has intensified since 2022, with high-level talks focusing on regional security—from Yemen to Gulf stability—and enhanced defense technology sharing. Analysts suggest that while bilateral ties have flourished, a formal trilateral alliance would mark a geopolitical watershed, potentially countering Iranian influence, Israeli military reach, and Western-led security frameworks in the region.

If realized, the alliance would unite Turkey’s advanced defense industry and NATO access, Saudi Arabia’s financial power, and Pakistan’s nuclear deterrent—a combination that could significantly reshape security dynamics across the Middle East and South Asia.

Saudi-Pakistan Defense Pact Reshapes Middle Eastern Geopolitics

Saudi-Pakistan Defense Pact Reshapes Middle Eastern Geopolitics

    Wednesday, September 17, 2025   No comments

In a move that has sent seismic waves across the international community, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan have formally signed a mutual defense pact. The announcement, coming in the immediate aftermath of a devastating Israeli attack on Qatar, signals a dramatic and potentially dangerous realignment of power in a region already on a knife's edge.

This agreement, far more than a simple reaffirmation of longstanding ties, represents a fundamental shift in the strategic calculus of the Middle East and South Asia, with implications for global security, energy markets, and the future of conflict in the region.

From Strategic Partnership to Ironclad Guarantee

Saudi Arabia and Pakistan share a deep, decades-long relationship built on a foundation of economic support, religious solidarity, and security cooperation. Riyadh has long been a financial benefactor to Islamabad, while Pakistan has provided the Kingdom with military trainers and troops for its defense. However, this new pact elevates that relationship to an entirely new level.

The core tenet of the agreement, as stated by the Pakistani prime minister’s office, is that "any aggression against either country will be treated as aggression against both." This transforms a friendly understanding into a legally binding, ironclad security guarantee. For Saudi Arabia, a nation rich in wealth and oil but with a relatively small population, this pact effectively places it under the umbrella of Pakistan's formidable military—the world’s sixth-largest—and, most significantly, its nuclear arsenal.

The Qatar Catalyst: A Region on the Brink

The timing of the announcement is impossible to ignore. The pact was finalized during emergency talks in Riyadh between Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, held just days after Israel's unprecedented attack on Qatar.

This context is crucial. The strike on Qatar, a nation that also hosts a major U.S. military base, demonstrated a terrifying escalation in the ongoing regional proxy wars. For Saudi Arabia, a longstanding rival of Qatar, the attack was likely seen not just as an strike against a neighbor, but as a harbinger of unchecked aggression that could one day be directed at Riyadh itself. The message from the Saudi leadership is clear: the traditional security architecture, heavily reliant on the United States, is no longer seen as dependable. They are seeking new, more immediate guarantees for their survival.

By aligning directly with a nuclear-armed power, Saudi Arabia is sending a powerful deterrent message to all regional adversaries, primarily Israel and Iran: an attack on the Kingdom will now carry an incalculable and existential risk.

Iran's Calculated Response: Diplomatic Outreach in a Shifting Landscape

This development comes as Iran's security leadership has initiated a regional outreach, seeking to capitalize on the chaos to advance its own vision for a new security architecture. In a highly significant move, Ali Larijani, a senior advisor to Iran’s Supreme Leader and former Parliament Speaker, was dispatched to Saudi Arabia.

Larijani’s mission is multifaceted:

• Testing the Waters: Iran is likely probing Saudi Arabia's commitment to its new partnership with Pakistan and gauging its level of anxiety post-Qatar.

• Offering an Alternative: Tehran is positioning itself as a necessary partner for regional stability, arguing that a collective security agreement that includes Iran is preferable to a polarized arms race.

• Exploiting Divisions: Iran may see an opportunity to drive a wedge between Saudi Arabia and its traditional allies by presenting itself as a more reliable, or at least inevitable, neighbor in a post-American era.

The Larijani mission underscores that while the Saudi-Pakistan pact is a Sunni-centric bloc, Iran is not remaining idle. It is responding with its own diplomatic offensive, recognizing that the regional order is up for grabs.

The Nuclear Question: A Delicate Balance

The most profound element of the pact is Pakistan’s status as a nuclear power. This agreement implicitly, though not explicitly, introduces a nuclear dimension into the heart of Middle Eastern security.

• Deterrence or Provocation? From Saudi Arabia's perspective, this is the ultimate deterrent. It hopes the mere existence of this pact will prevent any future aggression. However, from the perspective of Israel and Iran, it represents a massive escalation, potentially forcing them to recalibrate their own military and strategic doctrines.

• The "Sunni Shield" Narrative: The pact solidifies a powerful bloc of Sunni Muslim nations, with Pakistan’s bomb acting as a counterweight to Shiite Iran’s nuclear ambitions and Israel’s presumed nuclear capabilities. This risks hardening the sectarian and geopolitical fault lines in the region, moving from a cold war to a much more volatile standoff.

Global Repercussions and Shifting Alliances

The ramifications of this defense pact extend far beyond the Middle East:

1. A Challenge to U.S. Influence: This is a stark indication of Riyadh’s desire to diversify its security partnerships away from Washington. While not a full break, it shows Saudi Arabia is willing to build an independent security infrastructure, reducing its reliance on the U.S. military umbrella.

2. A Dilemma for Washington: The United States now faces a complex challenge. Pakistan is a major non-NATO ally, while Saudi Arabia remains a critical energy partner. However, a mutual defense pact that could potentially draw a nuclear-armed Pakistan into a Middle Eastern conflict is a nightmare scenario for U.S. strategists.
   

3. 
   India's Strategic Anxiety: For India, Pakistan’s arch-rival, this is deeply troubling news. It formalizes the military alliance between its two adversaries—Pakistan and Saudi Arabia’s close ally, China. India must now consider the possibility that a future crisis with Pakistan could, in the worst case, involve a much broader coalition or divert Pakistani resources and attention westward.

4. Iran's Isolation and Response: For Iran, the pact is the consolidation of a hostile, US-backed, and now nuclear-linked alliance on its flanks. The Larijani mission shows its strategy is two-fold: resist this consolidation through diplomacy while likely accelerating its own military and nuclear programs as an ultimate guarantee.  Being aware of what Iran represents for Shia Muslims, and recognizing that Pakistan has a large Shia Muslim community, steps are being taken to signal that this pact is not intended to threaten Iran or exclude Shia Muslims. To this end, on September 18, the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia called his Iranian counterpart, not details of the call was made available. And on September 19, the Saudi Minister of Defense called his Iranian counterpart to inform "Iran of the details of the Saudi-Pakistani mutual defense treaty, and provided a document with information." Iran's DM thanked the Saudi Defense Ministry for its briefing, and offered its good wishes for the success of this alliance and Islamic nations in general, stating that "we will always support initiatives that seek to strengthen the mutual cooperation between Islamic nations." said Iran's Minister of Defense Aziz Nasirzadeh.
   

A New, More Dangerous Era

The Saudi-Pakistan mutual defense pact is not merely a signed document; it is a symptom of a world order fracturing and reorganizing itself. It is born from a moment of extreme crisis and has triggered a swift and calculated response from Iran, as seen in the Larijani mission.

While intended to create stability through deterrence, the pact risks creating a more brittle and dangerous landscape. By explicitly tying the fate of the Arabian Peninsula to the nuclear calculus of South Asia, it has created a tripwire that, if ever crossed, could escalate a regional conflict into a global catastrophe overnight. The world is now witnessing a high-stakes diplomatic chess game where the moves are bold, the players are nervous, and the consequences are unimaginable. The world will be watching this new axis of power with bated breath and profound concern.

Iran–Pakistan Relations before and after the 12-Day Israel-Iran War

Iran–Pakistan Relations before and after the 12-Day Israel-Iran War

    Sunday, June 29, 2025   No comments

The recent 12-day war between Israel, US, and Iran has not only reshaped Middle Eastern dynamics but also sent ripples across South Asia—particularly impacting Iran's complex but evolving relationship with Pakistan. Although the two neighbors have shared a history of cautious cooperation punctuated by periods of distrust, the latest conflict appears to be accelerating a strategic convergence between Tehran and Islamabad. Just over a year ago, in January 2024, relations between Iran and Pakistan nearly derailed after a rare exchange of cross-border missile strikes. Iran targeted what it claimed were hideouts of the Sunni militant group "Jaish al-Adl" in Pakistan’s Balochistan province. Islamabad responded with airstrikes on Iranian territory, claiming to hit Baloch separatists threatening Pakistani sovereignty.

Despite this alarming escalation, diplomacy prevailed. A pivotal visit by then-Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in April 2024 helped cool tensions. The two countries agreed to treat their border as a “marketplace, not a battlefield,” leading to unprecedented cooperation—including intelligence sharing and a joint security operation in Balochistan. This pragmatic rapprochement was further reinforced in July and November 2024, when both nations coordinated the arrest and extradition of militants operating on either side of the border.

The 12-day war launched by Israel on Iran has reignited fears of regional destabilization. For Pakistan, the risk is not just ideological alignment with a fellow Muslim-majority state under siege; it's deeply strategic. Iran’s internal security vulnerabilities—exposed by Israeli strikes—create a vacuum that could empower militant groups like Jaish al-Adl, which have already carried out dozens of deadly attacks in Iran’s Sistan-Balochistan province. Pakistan fears that a weakened Iranian state would allow these groups to spill over into Pakistani territory, intensifying separatist violence in its own Balochistan province.

Moreover, the war has created space for greater alignment against perceived Israeli and Western aggression. Pakistan’s Defense Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif publicly condemned Israel, warning that Islamic nations could face similar fates if they remain divided. At the United Nations, Pakistan’s envoy described Israel's actions as a threat to the entire region and expressed full solidarity with the Iranian people.

General Asim Munir, Pakistan’s powerful Army Chief, visited Washington mid-June—his first official trip since 2001. There, he cautioned U.S. officials, including former President Donald Trump, against supporting the Israeli offensive. Munir argued that toppling Iran’s regime would lead to chaos across Balochistan and empower groups like Jaish al-Adl, which Washington itself classifies as a terrorist organization.

In private discussions, Munir also warned of the precedent that bombing Iran’s nuclear infrastructure might set. Although Israel has historically remained silent on Pakistan's nuclear arsenal, Islamabad remains sensitive to parallels drawn with its own facilities.

Despite its public support for Iran, Pakistan remains interested in preserving its long-standing but strained relationship with the U.S.—particularly in light of renewed American interest sparked by the Iran conflict. Pakistan’s hope is to use this geopolitical moment to negotiate economic and strategic concessions from both Washington and Beijing.

Over the past decade, Pakistan has leaned heavily into its strategic partnership with China, especially through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Yet Islamabad understands that overdependence on China is risky, particularly amid growing U.S.-China rivalry. Diversifying economic partners while aligning diplomatically with both superpowers offers Islamabad a path to stability and leverage.

The 12-day war has likely accelerated the slow-burning strategic realignment between Iran and Pakistan. Historically divided by sectarian suspicions and divergent foreign policy priorities, the two nations now find themselves driven together by shared security concerns, declining Western engagement, and expanding Chinese influence.

This doesn’t mean a full-fledged alliance is inevitable. Deep mistrust lingers—especially over past proxy support and sectarian competition. However, as both nations face a common threat from Israeli aggression, cross-border militancy, and marginalization by Western powers, their overlapping interests may now outweigh historical grievances.

The war has made one thing clear: Iran and Pakistan can no longer afford ambiguity in their relationship. Whether driven by fear, necessity, or opportunity, they appear to be moving—cautiously but decisively—toward a more robust partnership.

China, Pakistan agree with Kabul to expand CPEC to Afghanistan

China, Pakistan agree with Kabul to expand CPEC to Afghanistan

    Wednesday, May 21, 2025   No comments

Pakistan, China, and Afghanistan agreed in a trilateral meeting in Beijing to formally extend the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to Afghanistan, strengthening regional connectivity under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The foreign ministers emphasized deeper cooperation in trade, infrastructure, and security, reaffirming their commitment to counterterrorism and regional stability. 

The next trilateral meeting will be held in Kabul. The talks took place during Deputy PM Ishaq Dar’s visit to China, which also addressed the recent Pakistan-India tensions and reaffirmed the strong China-Pakistan partnership.

Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Terrorism, and the West

Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Terrorism, and the West

    Friday, April 25, 2025   No comments

Journalist prefaced her question to Pakistani official by stating that Pakistan has a lonh g history of supporting terrorism. In response, the Pakistani Minister of Defense replied:

"We have been doing this dirty work for the United States and the West — including Britain — for about three decades."

He is referencing Pakistan's role in training the "mujahideen" of Afghanistan to fight the Soviet Union, who later, under al-Qaeda leadership, one of the Mujahideen groups, attacked US on 9/11, and that started the war on terror, which Pakistan joined again, under the request of the West. 

The crisis in Kashmir has been just one element that created the alliance between Saudi Arabia, United States, and Pakistan to "radicalize", which means, to wahhabitize Muslims, to fight the "good" war against the Soviet Union, and Pakistan hoped that it can use them to control all of Kashmir, too. It turned out that using religion for political gains did not work well for all three partners in the long run.

 

Islamic D-8: can this intergovernmental organization help stabilize Southwest Asia and North Africa?

Islamic D-8: can this intergovernmental organization help stabilize Southwest Asia and North Africa?

    Tuesday, December 17, 2024   No comments

Cairo will host the 11th edition of the D8 Summit on Thursday, 19-12-2024, which will discuss ways to confront successive global economic and political changes. The summit will be held under the slogan "Investing in Youth and Supporting Small and Medium Enterprises: Shaping Tomorrow's Economy."

Egypt chairs the current edition of the summit, having assumed the presidency of the group last May and will continue to lead its work until the end of next year.

Several summits and bilateral meetings are scheduled to be held on the sidelines of the D8 Summit in Cairo, whether at the level of presidents or delegations participating in the conference.

The meeting of the foreign ministers of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Pakistan, Indonesia, Nigeria, Malaysia, and Bangladesh will be held tomorrow, Wednesday.

Several heads of state will be attending this summit this year, including Iran's president.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian plans to attend the summit of the Developing Eight (D8) Islamic countries in Egypt on Thursday, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said Tuesday. This is the first visit by an Iranian president to Egypt in more than a decade.

Relations between Egypt and Iran have generally been tense in recent decades, but the two countries have intensified high-level diplomatic contacts since the Gaza war broke out last year, in which Egypt has tried to mediate. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi traveled to Egypt in October to discuss regional issues with Egyptian officials, and his Egyptian counterpart Badr Abdel Aty traveled to Tehran in July to attend Pezeshkian’s inauguration.

Indonesian president will attend D-8

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto will travel to Egypt on Tuesday to attend meetings of a group of eight major Muslim nations known as the Developing Eight (D8) Economic Cooperation Organization, the government said.

Prabowo will attend meetings, including a D8 summit on Thursday, and accept the group’s chairmanship for a two-year term starting on Jan. 1, 2026, Foreign Ministry spokesman Roy Soemirat told reporters on Monday.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan will participate tomorrow, Wednesday, in the 21st meeting of the G8 Foreign Ministers Council, which will be held in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, within the framework of the D8 Summit.

According to diplomatic sources in the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the meeting will address developments in the Palestinian Gaza Strip and other regional issues.

During the meeting, Fidan is expected to call for an immediate end to the genocide committed by Israel in Palestine and its measures aimed at turning the war into a regional conflict.

He is also expected to point out the importance of advancing efforts to implement the two-state solution in conjunction with reaching an immediate ceasefire.

Fidan will highlight the importance of providing urgent humanitarian aid to Gaza and increasing support for the efforts of the workers of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).

The meeting of the Foreign Ministers Council comes within the framework of preparing for the summit hosted by Cairo next Thursday, with the participation of delegations from the group's countries: Turkey, Egypt, Nigeria, Pakistan, Iran, Indonesia, Malaysia and Bangladesh.

The summit is scheduled to be held under the theme “Investing in Youth and Supporting SMEs: Shaping Tomorrow’s Economy.”

Attendance of the D-8 Summit in Cairo

The Indonesian government announced that President Prabowo Subianto will travel to Egypt today, Tuesday, to attend the group's meetings and the upcoming summit next Thursday, and will accept the group's presidency for a year.

In addition, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei announced that Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian will participate in the G8 Summit in Egypt.

The Pakistani Embassy in Cairo also confirmed that Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif will pay an official visit to Egypt from December 18 to 20 to participate in the summit's activities.

President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi handed the Lebanese caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati an invitation to participate in the summit's activities, as the Lebanese Prime Minister received the invitation from the Egyptian Ambassador Alaa Moussa, during his reception on December 9 at the Grand Serail.

The Middle East Eye website also reported that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will participate in the group's meeting and will hold meetings related to current developments in Syria.

About the D-8: the Developing Eight

The G8, also known as the Developing Eight, is a development cooperation system between the following member states: Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Turkey. This system also adds a new dimension aimed at strengthening economic relations and social ties among its members.

The G8 was officially established at the Summit of Heads of State and Government held in Istanbul on June 15, 1997 (Istanbul Declaration), following the "Cooperation for Development" Conference held on October 22, 1996 and a series of preparatory meetings.

The G8 aims to:

Improving the position of developing countries in the global economy.

Creating new opportunities in trade relations.

Enhancing the participation of developing countries in international decision-making.

Achieving better living standards.

The most important features of the G8:

It is a global system, not a regional one, as is clearly evident in its founding members.

Its membership is open to other developing countries that share the objectives and principles of the Group and are linked by common ties with it.

It is a forum that has no adverse effect on the bilateral and international obligations of its member states towards its membership and towards international organizations.