How Gulf Resource Wealth Fuels Ambition—and Vulnerability

How Gulf Resource Wealth Fuels Ambition—and Vulnerability

    Friday, March 27, 2026   No comments

 Glass Houses in the Desert

In the geopolitics of the Middle East, few phenomena are as striking as the outsized influence wielded by two small Gulf states: Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Both nations have leveraged immense wealth derived from the rapid extraction of finite natural resources to project power far beyond their borders. As regional tensions escalate, the very strategies that elevated them are exposing profound vulnerabilities. Their glass towers of influence, built on sand and hydrocarbons, are proving fragile when the desert winds of conflict blow hard.

Qatar's transformation from a modest peninsula emirate into a global diplomatic player rests largely on its vast natural gas reserves. Since the 1990s, Doha has channelled this wealth into a sophisticated strategy of soft power projection, with the Al Jazeera Media Network as its centerpiece. Founded to give Arab audiences a platform free from state-controlled narratives, Al Jazeera quickly became something more: an instrument of Qatari foreign policy, amplifying voices and stories that aligned with Doha's strategic interests.

For decades, the network shaped Arab public opinion, particularly during the Arab Spring, when its coverage of Islamist movements resonated with Qatar's political alignments. But this instrumentalization of media has increasingly drawn scrutiny. In early 2026, Al Jazeera faced a significant credibility test during heightened tensions between Iran and the United States. The channel was accused of sidelining voices supportive of Tehran while platforming analysts who called for targeting Iranian civilians—a stance that sparked widespread criticism across the Arab street.

The controversy forced a visible recalibration. By late March, Al Jazeera began restoring previously muted voices and reducing its focus on Iran-focused content, signaling an attempt to repair its reputation as an impartial platform. Analysts who had made inflammatory remarks defended themselves by claiming their comments were taken out of context, but the episode underscored a broader dilemma: when a media outlet is perceived as an instrument of statecraft rather than journalism, its credibility becomes collateral damage in geopolitical disputes.

As one commentator observed, the contemporary Arab consciousness has moved beyond the era of untouchable icons. For Qatar, the lesson is clear: media influence built on perceived bias can backfire, eroding the very soft power it was meant to generate. When audiences sense that "the opinion and the other opinion" is merely a slogan rather than a principle, trust evaporates—and with it, influence.

Most recent coverage show the trend of selective reporting by aljazeera persists: it shields the Guld states and Qatar rulers.

Noramlly, media organizations bear a fundamental responsibility to provide audiences with complete, contextualized information. When coverage systematically omits facts that conflict with the interests of a network's funders, that responsibility is compromised. Al Jazeera's reporting on former President Trump's recent speech regarding Iran offers a compelling case study in how state-funded media can shape narratives through strategic omission.

According to multiple social media reports and regional coverage, Trump explicitly praised Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE as "excellent" and "incredible" partners during his remarks at the Future Investment Initiative summit in Miami. He reportedly acknowledged their support for U.S. military attack on Iran—a significant geopolitical development given these states' desire to avoid public association with what many international observers deem an illegal war. Al Jazeera Arabic article summarizing the speech highlighted Trump's criticism of NATO allies while making no mention of his gratitude toward Gulf partners. This selective framing is not incidental; it aligns precisely with Qatar's diplomatic interests in maintaining plausible deniability regarding its regional military posture.

This pattern reflects broader structural realities. Al Jazeera receives the vast majority of its budget from the Qatari government, and while the network asserts editorial independence, former correspondents have publicly cited Qatari influence over coverage decisions. Research from independent media watchdogs notes that Al Jazeera's English-language coverage has routinely engaged in narratives that question U.S. strategic motives while promoting perspectives aligned with Doha's foreign policy. When reporting on Gulf-U.S. coordination against Iran, the network faces an inherent conflict: acknowledging overt Gulf support for American military action would undermine Qatar's carefully cultivated image as a neutral mediator.

The consequences extend beyond a single omitted quote. By emphasizing Trump's NATO criticisms while silencing his Gulf acknowledgments, Al Jazeera's coverage subtly reinforces a narrative that isolates Western alliances while normalizing Gulf states' behind-the-scenes military involvement. This serves Doha's foreign policy objectives but deprives audiences of the full picture necessary for informed judgment about regional power dynamics.

Media bias is rarely about fabrication; it is more often about curation—what to include, what to emphasize, and what to omit. In an era of complex geopolitical conflicts, audiences deserve transparency about the interests shaping their news. When state-funded outlets like Al Jazeera omit facts that inconvenience their patrons, they do not merely report the news; they participate in its construction. Recognizing these patterns is not an attack on any single network, but a necessary step toward demanding journalism that serves truth over patronage.

The United Arab Emirates has pursued a different, more militarized path to regional influence. Like Qatar, the UAE's wealth stems from hydrocarbon extraction—but at a pace that raises serious sustainability concerns. The rapid depletion of finite oil and gas reserves, without adequate investment in post-hydrocarbon economies, risks mortgaging the future for present-day ambition.

Abu Dhabi has deployed this wealth to build an extensive network of military and political influence across the Middle East and Africa. The UAE has been deeply involved in conflicts in Libya, Yemen, Sudan, and Somalia, often backing proxy forces to advance its strategic interests. In Libya, it provided critical air support and equipment to eastern-based factions. In Sudan, it faces repeated allegations—denied by officials—of arming and funding paramilitary groups accused of atrocities. Sudan has even filed a case against the UAE at the International Court of Justice, accusing it of complicity in grave human rights violations.

These interventions have yielded mixed results. While the UAE has secured strategic footholds, such as ports and military bases, its activism has also generated significant backlash. Traditional Gulf partners have grown uncomfortable with Emirati policies that appear to undermine regional stability. In Yemen, Saudi-backed forces actively curtailed advances by UAE-aligned militias, demonstrating that Gulf partnerships are not immune to friction.

Moreover, when Iran's foreign minister accused Gulf states hosting U.S. forces of covertly encouraging attacks on Iranians, it underscored how entangled these small states have become in great-power conflicts. When Iran launched drone strikes against Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE in early 2026, it highlighted the vulnerability of even the wealthiest Gulf capitals to asymmetric retaliation. Power projection, it turns out, invites counter-pressure.

Glass Houses at the Mercy of Regional Security Fractures

Both Qatar and the UAE have built literal and figurative glass houses—spectacular skylines, global business hubs, and diplomatic networks that project an image of invincibility. These achievements rest on a foundation of regional stability that is increasingly precarious.

Dubai, marketed as the business center of the world, exemplifies this paradox. In early 2026, as tensions with Iran escalated, the emirate faced an unprecedented economic shock: stock markets were suspended, hotel bookings plummeted, and critical port operations halted after missile debris caused fire damage. An estimated tens of billions in wealth that flowed into Dubai in recent years now faced the risk of exodus, with charter jets reportedly sold out as wealthy residents sought safer havens.

The attacks on iconic locations directly challenge the security narrative that attracted global capital. While Dubai's economy is heavily diversified—with oil accounting for a minimal share of GDP—its reputation as a safe, neutral hub depends on perceptions of stability that conflict can quickly erode. When investors weigh risk, glass towers can cast long shadows.

The sustainability question extends beyond economics. Gulf states' rapid extraction of oil and gas, without sufficient investment in renewable alternatives or economic diversification, poses long-term risks. While natural resource rents boost short-term growth, they can exacerbate inequality and delay necessary structural reforms. For nations whose populations are predominantly young, the intergenerational equity implications are profound: wealth generated today may come at the cost of environmental degradation and economic fragility tomorrow.

Both Qatar and the UAE appear to be learning that influence projection carries inherent risks. Al Jazeera's editorial adjustments in early 2026 suggest an awareness that perceived bias can undermine media credibility. Similarly, the UAE's public denials of involvement in sensitive conflicts and its emphasis on humanitarian aid reflect an effort to manage diplomatic fallout.

Adaptation requires more than rhetoric. For Qatar, it means grappling with the tension between state interests and journalistic integrity. Can a media network truly serve as a global beacon of free expression while advancing a single government's agenda? For the UAE, it entails reassessing whether military interventions in distant conflicts truly serve long-term national interests—or simply entangle the country in intractable disputes that drain resources and generate enemies.

The broader lesson for resource-rich small states is that wealth alone cannot guarantee security or influence. When regional order fractures, the very assets that symbolize power—skyscrapers, media networks, overseas bases—can become liabilities. Ambiguity in foreign policy invites escalation; perceived partiality erodes trust; and economic hubs dependent on perceptions of stability are vulnerable to regional shocks.

Qatar and the UAE have achieved remarkable feats: transforming desert outposts into global nodes of finance, media, and diplomacy. Their use of natural resource wealth to punch above their weight is a masterclass in strategic statecraft. But the events of early 2026 reveal the limits of this model.

Media influence built on perceived bias invites backlash. Military interventions in fragile states can generate blowback. Economic hubs dependent on perceptions of stability are vulnerable to regional shocks. And the rapid extraction of finite resources, without sustainable planning, mortgages the future.

The glass houses of the Gulf are not destined to become ruins of the desert. But they will endure only if their builders recognize that true resilience requires more than wealth—it demands legitimacy, sustainability, and a commitment to the stability of the region they seek to lead. In an era of escalating tensions, that lesson may be the most valuable resource of all.

For two small states that have leveraged hydrocarbon wealth to shape the fate of nations, the path forward is clear: influence without accountability is fragile; power without prudence is perilous. The desert remembers what the glass forgets—that foundations matter more than facades, and that lasting influence is built not on extraction, but on trust.

  

"Greater Israel": The Enduring Legacy of Evangelical Zionism that Huckabee Said Outloud

"Greater Israel": The Enduring Legacy of Evangelical Zionism that Huckabee Said Outloud

    Saturday, February 21, 2026   No comments

Recent remarks by the U.S. Ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, have ignited a firestorm of condemnation across the Arab and Islamic world. In an interview, Huckabee asserted that Israel possesses a "divine right," rooted in Old Testament texts, to control not only historic Palestine but vast swathes of the Middle East—a vision stretching, in his words, "from the Nile to the Euphrates." He framed the modern state of Israel as "land granted by God, through Abraham, to a chosen people," suggesting that Israeli claims could legitimately encompass territories in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and parts of Saudi Arabia and Iraq.

The reaction was swift and severe. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Palestine, the Arab League, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation issued strong rebukes, denouncing the statements as a dangerous violation of diplomatic norms, international law, and the UN Charter. They warned that such rhetoric, grounded in a "false and rejected historical and ideological narrative," fuels extremism, encourages illegal settlement expansion, and threatens global peace by dismissing the sovereignty of nations and the rights of indigenous peoples.

While Huckabee's comments were extraordinary in their bluntness, they were not an anomaly. They represent the apex of a long-standing and influential strand of American political thought: fundamentalist evangelical Christian Zionism. To understand the gravity of this moment, one must look beyond the immediate diplomatic crisis to the deep historical and theological currents that empower such views.

The ideological foundation for much of evangelical support for maximalist Israeli territorial claims is a theological framework known as dispensationalism. Popularized in the 19th century, dispensationalism interprets human history as a series of distinct eras, or "dispensations," ordained by God. Its adherents believe we are living in the final dispensation, immediately preceding the Second Coming of Jesus Christ.

Central to this eschatology is the belief that the return of the Jewish people to the land of Israel is a non-negotiable prophetic prerequisite for the end times. Key biblical passages, particularly God's covenant with Abraham in Genesis, are interpreted not as spiritual metaphors but as literal, eternal land grants to the Jewish people. This reading transforms modern political Zionism into a divine mandate. Supporting the state of Israel—especially in its most expansionist forms—becomes an act of faith, a way to "bless those who bless you" and thus secure divine favor for oneself and one's nation.

This theology underwent a significant political transformation in the latter half of the 20th century. Following Israel's victory in the 1967 Six-Day War and its capture of East Jerusalem, figures like televangelist Jerry Falwell declared the event a miraculous sign of God's hand. For these believers, any territorial compromise—such as withdrawing from the West Bank (which they often refer to by the biblical names Judea and Samaria)—was not merely a political disagreement but an act of defiance against God's prophetic timeline.

This theological conviction has translated into formidable political power. Evangelical Christians constitute a major voting bloc in the United States, and their unwavering support for Israel has made backing the Israeli right a cornerstone of the Republican Party platform. Politicians who align with this worldview find a ready base of support, while those who advocate for Palestinian rights or a balanced approach often face intense pressure.

The policy outcomes are tangible. This influence has been cited as a key factor in U.S. decisions to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital, move the U.S. embassy there, and provide unwavering diplomatic cover for settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank—actions widely viewed as illegal under international law. The ideology inherently dismisses the national aspirations of the Palestinian people, framing their presence and claims as obstacles to a divine plan rather than as legitimate rights deserving of recognition and justice.

It is here that the most profound and troubling implications of this ideology emerge. By framing the land as a divine promise exclusively to one people, fanatic evangelical Zionism inherently negates the historical presence, rights, and humanity of the non-Jewish indigenous populations of the region—primarily Palestinian Arabs, both Muslim and Christian.

When a political claim is elevated to the status of divine decree, compromise becomes heresy. The existence of another people on the "promised" land is not a political reality to be negotiated but a theological problem to be resolved. This mindset provides a powerful ideological underpinning for policies of displacement, settlement, and permanent occupation. It transforms a modern colonial project into a sacred mission, making the erasure of indigenous identity and claim not just a political strategy but a perceived fulfillment of prophecy.

The recent international condemnation of Ambassador Huckabee's remarks underscores a fundamental clash of worldviews. On one side is a framework based on international law, state sovereignty, and the rights of peoples to self-determination. On the other is an apocalyptic theology that views geography through the lens of ancient scripture and sees contemporary politics as a stage for cosmic drama.

The global rejection of Huckabee's statements is a reaffirmation of a basic principle: that the rights of nations and peoples cannot be subordinated to the religious interpretations of any one group, no matter how politically powerful. The resurgence of rhetoric invoking a divinely ordained "Greater Israel" is not merely a diplomatic gaffe; it is a stark reminder of the potent forces that continue to shape one of the world's most intractable conflicts. It challenges the international community to confront not just the political manifestations of extremism, but the ideological roots that sustain them. As the world seeks stability in the region, it must contend with the uncomfortable truth that for some influential actors, peace is not the ultimate goal—the fulfillment of prophecy is. And in that prophetic narrative, there is often no room for the indigenous other.

China among 80 nations and NGOs to Condemn Israel's West Bank Expansion as Assault on Palestinian Self-Determination

China among 80 nations and NGOs to Condemn Israel's West Bank Expansion as Assault on Palestinian Self-Determination

    Tuesday, February 17, 2026   No comments

In a significant display of diplomatic unity, a coalition of 80 countries and international organizations has issued a scathing condemnation of Israel's recent unilateral moves to expand its control over the occupied West Bank. The statement, delivered at a press conference in New York by Palestinian Permanent Representative Riyad Mansour, frames the Israeli actions not merely as policy shifts, but as a flagrant violation of international law that systematically denies the Palestinian people their fundamental right to self-determination.

The diverse coalition, which includes China, European nations, and Arab and Islamic states, declared its "categorical opposition to any form of annexation." The joint statement underscores a growing global consensus that Israel's entrenchment in the territories occupied since 1967 is not only illegal but poses an existential threat to the possibility of a just and lasting peace.

At the heart of the condemnation is the recognition that Israel's expansionist policies constitute a form of systemic oppression. By altering the demographic composition and legal status of the land, Israel is actively dismantling the geographic contiguity required for a viable Palestinian state. The statement explicitly rejected all measures aimed at changing the character of the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, labeling them as actions that "undermine ongoing efforts to achieve peace and stability."

The injustice lies in the asymmetry of power and the erosion of Palestinian agency. For decades, the international community has recognized the right of the Palestinian people to determine their own political future. However, the relentless growth of settlements and the imposition of Israeli civil law over Palestinian areas effectively preempt this right, imposing a reality of permanent subjugation rather than temporary occupation.

The diplomatic rebuke was triggered by a set of decisions approved by the Israeli government on February 8. These measures aim to fundamentally alter the legal and civil reality in the West Bank by expanding Israeli enforcement authority into areas nominally under the control of the Palestinian Authority.

Under the guise of addressing "unlicensed building," water usage, and environmental concerns, Israel is extending its bureaucratic and military grip over Palestinian daily life. Critics argue this is a mechanism of de facto annexation, bypassing negotiations and imposing Israeli sovereignty by force. The 80-nation coalition warned that such steps contradict Israel's obligations under international law and demanded their immediate reversal.

While diplomatic statements outline the legal breaches, the human cost on the ground paints a grim picture of the oppression faced by Palestinians. Since the escalation of the war on Gaza began on October 8, 2023, violence in the West Bank and East Jerusalem has intensified dramatically.

According to data cited in the report, the surge in military and settler violence has resulted in the martyrdom of more than 1,115 Palestinians in the West Bank alone. Approximately 11,500 others have been injured, and a staggering 22,000 have been detained. These figures highlight a strategy of collective punishment and fear, where civilians face the constant threat of displacement, arrest, or death.

Palestinians view these actions as a coordinated effort to "impose new facts on the ground," rendering the prospect of a future state increasingly impossible. The expansion of settlements, such as Kiryat Arba near Hebron, continues to carve up the land, isolating Palestinian communities and strangling their economic and social development.

The coalition's statement drew significant weight from the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on July 19, 2024. The group reaffirmed its commitment to the "New York Declaration," pledging to take concrete measures in accordance with international law to help realize the Palestinian right to self-determination.

"This is not just about borders; it is about dignity and freedom," the statement implied. By emphasizing the illegality of settlements and the threat of forced displacement, the nations highlighted that the denial of self-determination is the root cause of the conflict. The statement stressed that a just and permanent peace can only be achieved by ending the occupation that began in 1967.

Despite the deepening crisis, the coalition reiterated that the two-state solution remains the only viable path to security and stability for both peoples. The vision outlined is clear: two democratic states, Palestine and Israel, living side by side in peace and security within recognized borders based on the 1967 lines, including East Jerusalem.

However, the statement served as a stark warning. Continued settlement expansion and unilateral annexation threaten to kill the two-state solution entirely. The 80 nations called for adherence to UN resolutions, the Madrid Terms of Reference, and the Arab Peace Initiative, urging the international community to move beyond rhetoric and enforce accountability.

As the diplomatic pressure mounts, the message from the global community is unequivocal: the oppression of the Palestinian people and the denial of their sovereignty are not sustainable. Without an immediate halt to illegal expansion and a genuine commitment to ending the occupation, the cycle of violence and injustice will continue to destabilize the region and betray the principles of international law.

Saudi-UAE Rift Deepens--A Regional Power Struggle with Global Implications

Saudi-UAE Rift Deepens--A Regional Power Struggle with Global Implications

    Tuesday, December 30, 2025   No comments

A dramatic escalation between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has laid bare the fractures within the once-unified Gulf coalition, revealing a deepening strategic schism over influence in Yemen—and, by extension, the broader Middle East. The latest trigger came on December 30, 2025, when Saudi Arabia launched airstrikes on the Yemeni port of Mukalla, targeting vessels it alleges were carrying weapons from the UAE destined for separatist militias. Simultaneously, Riyadh issued a 24-hour ultimatum demanding the UAE withdraw all military forces from Yemen and cease financial and logistical support to factions operating within the country.

The implications of this confrontation go far beyond Yemen’s fragile borders. They expose the UAE’s increasingly assertive—and often destabilizing—foreign policy, fueled by vast petro-wealth and an ambition to project power disproportionate to its small geographic size and population. More critically, they spotlight the contradictions at the heart of the Emirati state: a gleaming global city built on the backs of a disenfranchised foreign workforce, ruled by a hereditary elite that constitutes just 14% of the population, while the rest—millions of expatriates—are denied basic civil and political rights.

The Yemen Flashpoint

Yemen has long been the proving ground for Gulf rivalries, but the Saudi-UAE split has now reached a breaking point. While both nations ostensibly joined forces in 2015 under the banner of the “Arab Coalition” to restore Yemen’s internationally recognized government, their objectives diverged sharply over time. Saudi Arabia prioritized border security and countering Houthi influence, while the UAE invested heavily in southern separatist groups like the Southern Transitional Council (STC), viewing a fragmented Yemen as strategically advantageous.

Recent developments confirm Saudi Arabia’s worst fears. The STC, with evident Emirati backing, has seized large swaths of land in Hadhramaut and Al-Mahra—governorates adjacent to Saudi territory. Riyadh interprets this not as a local power grab but as a direct threat to its national security. The Saudi Foreign Ministry’s unusually blunt language—calling UAE actions “extremely dangerous” and “incompatible with the foundations of the coalition”—signals a dramatic rupture in bilateral trust.

Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council, under President Rashad al-Alimi, responded by declaring a 90-day state of emergency, revoking a security agreement with the UAE, and imposing a comprehensive blockade on ports and crossings. These measures underscore the extent to which Emirati interference is now seen as an existential threat to Yemeni sovereignty—even by a government that once welcomed UAE support.

The UAE’s Destabilizing Regional Ambitions

The Yemen crisis is not an isolated case. The UAE has consistently leveraged its financial might to back proxy forces across the region—often in defiance of international law and regional stability:

Sudan: The UAE has been accused by the UN and Western intelligence agencies of supplying weapons to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), intensifying the brutal civil war that has killed tens of thousands and displaced millions. Abu Dhabi sees the RSF as a counterweight to Islamist and Turkish influence, but its intervention has prolonged and deepened the conflict.

Libya: The UAE openly backed Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA) in its failed 2019 assault on Tripoli, providing drones, air support, and mercenaries. Its actions contradicted UN arms embargoes and undermined diplomatic efforts to unify the country.

Somalia: Emirati military presence in Berbera and its port investments have fueled tensions with the Somali federal government, which accuses Abu Dhabi of undermining national sovereignty and cultivating separatist sentiment in Somaliland.

This pattern reveals a consistent Emirati strategy: exploit regional chaos to install pliable local actors, secure strategic ports and military bases, and project influence far beyond its borders—all while avoiding democratic accountability at home.

A Domestic System Built on Exclusion

The UAE’s aggressive external posture is mirrored by a deeply hierarchical internal order. Despite hosting over 9 million foreign workers—many of whom have lived and labored in the country for decades—they are systematically denied pathways to citizenship, political representation, or even basic labor protections. Human rights organizations have long documented systemic abuses: wage theft, passport confiscation, unsafe working conditions, and the absence of collective bargaining rights.

Meanwhile, the Emirati citizen elite—roughly 14% of the population—enjoy immense privileges, including state-funded housing, education, and employment guarantees. This de facto caste system is rarely scrutinized due to the UAE’s carefully cultivated image as a modern, tolerant hub. Yet beneath the skyscrapers and luxury malls lies a rigid social contract: obedience in exchange for wealth, with dissent tolerated only when it comes from the palace, never the pavement.

The Danger of Emirati Supremacism

What makes the UAE’s regional behavior particularly alarming is its ideological underpinning. Unlike Iran or Turkey, whose regional ambitions are framed in religious or civilizational terms, the UAE promotes a form of Gulf-centric supremacism: the belief that small, oil-rich monarchies have the right—and duty—to shape the political destiny of larger, poorer nations through coercion, patronage, and covert warfare.

This worldview is not merely opportunistic; it is imperial in spirit. And it thrives in the absence of accountability. While Saudi Arabia, despite its own human rights record, is increasingly aligning with international diplomatic frameworks the UAE remains defiantly opaque, operating through shadowy networks of private military contractors, offshore finance, and media manipulation.

A Turning Point?

The Saudi ultimatum may mark a historic inflection point. For years, Abu Dhabi skillfully played Riyadh and Washington against each other, presenting itself as a reliable counterterrorism partner while quietly undermining Saudi interests in Yemen and beyond. But with Saudi Arabia now asserting red lines and Yemen’s government turning against its former Emirati patrons, the UAE risks diplomatic and strategic isolation.

More importantly, this crisis could force a long-overdue reckoning with the UAE’s role in the region. If the world continues to treat Abu Dhabi as a benign economic hub while ignoring its role in fueling wars in Sudan, Libya, and Yemen, it will only embolden further adventurism. The cruelty of the Emirati model—both at home and abroad—must no longer be excused by its skyscrapers or sovereign wealth funds.

Saudi Arabia’s warning is clear: destabilization has consequences. Whether the UAE heeds it—or doubles down—will determine not just the fate of Yemen, but the future balance of power in the entire Middle East.

Updated: UAE claims it is ending its presence in Yemen

  UPDATE:

 In an official statement released by the United Arab Emirates' Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UAE expressed "deep regret" over statements made by Saudi Arabia over the Saudi airstrike on Yemen’s Mukalla port, calling for restraint and warning against further escalation between the two Gulf partners. The UAE also rejected claims that the targeted shipment included weapons and denied that it was supplying arms to local factions.

The statement further reads:

"The Ministry affirms that the shipment in question did not contain any weapons, and the vehicles unloaded were not intended for any Yemeni party but were shipped for use by UAE forces operating in Yemen."

Media Review: Nationalism, Distrust, and the Specter of Regime Change

Media Review: Nationalism, Distrust, and the Specter of Regime Change

    Wednesday, August 13, 2025   No comments

 

1. Netanyahu’s Overt Call: “Iran for Iranians”

On August 12, 2025, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu released a striking video address aimed directly at the Iranian people. He urged them to “take to the streets”, “demand justice”, and resist “ruling fanatics” in Tehran. Leveraging Iran’s current water crisis—one described as the worst drought in a century—he promised that “Israel’s top water experts will flood into every Iranian city,” offering cutting-edge recycling and desalination technologies once “your country is free.” Netanyahu framed this not merely as political pressure but as a humanitarian overture, rhetorically intertwining water scarcity with political liberation.
His language tugged at historical symbols—the “descendants of Cyrus the Great”—and invoked Zionist forebears: “as our founding father, Theodor Herzl, said... ‘if you will it, a free Iran is not a dream.’” Critics across the region condemned the message as a blatant interference in Iran’s sovereignty and a call for regime change.

2. Expansionist Imagery and the “Greater Israel” Vision

Simultaneously, in an i24 News interview, Netanyahu responded affirmatively when asked if he felt a connection to the concept of “Greater Israel”—a historical extremist vision stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates, enveloping Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. He stated flatly: "Very much." (Note: the Arabic-language Al Jazeera coverage confirmed condemnation by Jordan’s foreign ministry of these remarks, calling them “dangerous provocative escalation” and a violation of sovereignty and international law).  Jordan officially denounced these statements as “absurd illusions” that undermine Arab states and Palestinian rights, and called for international accountability.

3. Mutually Reinforcing Nationalist Narratives

These developments crystallize a deeper pattern of mutual antagonism: just as many in the Arab and Muslim worlds chant “Death to Israel” (often interpreted as opposition to the Zionist regime, not genocide), Israeli leaders—including Netanyahu—express parallel desires for overthrowing nationalist or Islamist regimes, from Iraq and Syria to Iran and potentially Turkey. Israel’s historical role in the fall of Arab nationalist regimes—the Ba’athists in Iraq and Syria, Nasserism in Egypt, Gaddafi in Libya—sets precedent for its current posture toward Iran, adding layers of distrust and ideological competition.

4. Media Narratives vs. Unspoken Realities

Mainstream coverage often frames Israel’s messaging as defensive—justified by existential threats or humanitarian concern. Yet the explicit linkage between Israel’s offer of technology and regime change reveals a more assertive posture: Israel positioning itself not only as a regional power but as a potential kingmaker.

This dynamic echoes past episodes: British and U.S. support for regime change in Iraq, Libya, and Afghanistan, often under the banner of liberation, but frequently yielding destabilization. Indeed, analysts warn that regime elimination without a constructive transition plan can exacerbate chaos and strengthen hardliners—concerns now surging around Iran.

5. Broader Implications: Ethno-Religious Nationalism and Regional Instability

The mutual calls for regime change are not isolated acts of political posturing — they are rooted in competing nationalist visions that draw their legitimacy from deeply embedded historical, ethnic, and religious narratives. This clash produces a dangerous self-reinforcing cycle that shapes nearly every major crisis in the Middle East.

Israel’s vision:

Israeli statecraft, particularly under Netanyahu, increasingly draws on biblical and historicist narratives to justify a posture of permanent expansion and dominance. This is not merely about securing existing borders; it’s about positioning Israel as the central civilizational power in the region. The appeal to “Greater Israel” ties modern foreign policy directly to ancient territorial claims, allowing nationalist leaders to frame strategic moves as fulfilling a sacred mission rather than a negotiable political agenda. In this worldview, offering water technology to Iranians is not only a humanitarian gesture but also a demonstration of how Israel imagines itself — as a benevolent hegemon to “liberated” peoples, once they accept the dismantling of regimes seen as hostile.

Resistance’s response:

Arab nationalist and Islamist movements see this Israeli narrative as an existential threat — not only to Palestinian sovereignty but to the very idea of Arab or Islamic self-determination. From their perspective, the vision of “Greater Israel” confirms suspicions that Israel’s security discourse masks territorial ambitions stretching across multiple states. This perception reinforces a siege mentality, where even minor concessions to Israel are framed as steps toward regional capitulation. Consequently, slogans like “Death to Israel” — while often clarified by their authors as a rejection of the Zionist regime rather than the Jewish people — are received by Israelis as genocidal, deepening the emotional and political chasm.

Mutual demonization:

Each side interprets the other’s rhetoric in its most maximalist and threatening form. Israeli leaders often portray their regional adversaries as irredeemable aggressors whose regimes must be toppled for peace to be possible. Conversely, Arab and Islamist nationalists cast Israeli policy as inherently expansionist, immune to compromise, and bent on cultural erasure. This mutual framing leaves no space for recognizing reformist or moderate currents on either side. Internal dissent within Iran, for example, is subsumed under the binary of “pro-regime” or “agent of foreign powers,” while dissent within Israel against expansionism is marginalized as naïve or disloyal.

Media as a force multiplier:

Regional and global media ecosystems amplify these narratives by privileging official statements and the most provocative soundbites. Nuanced or dissenting voices rarely receive the same coverage. This selective amplification means that both publics primarily hear confirmation of their worst fears. Israeli audiences see chants and missile parades without context; Arab audiences see maps of an expanded Israel without the debates inside Israel over their feasibility or morality. In effect, media serves as a mirror that reflects back the most polarizing version of reality, hardening nationalist sentiment and making diplomatic de-escalation politically costly for any leader.

The result is a feedback loop: nationalist rhetoric begets reciprocal hostility, which then justifies the next round of escalation. Over time, this pattern entrenches zero-sum thinking, where any gain for one side is assumed to be an irreversible loss for the other.

6. What Comes Next?

With Israel openly signaling support for regime change, and invoking ideological justifications, the region edges closer to escalatory brinkmanship. If Iran responds—either through intensified repression or reprisals—the potential for conflict could spiral. Global actors—especially the U.S., Europe, Russia, and regional powers—must urgently clarify whether they support such overt regime-change diplomacy or seek de-escalation through dialogue and multilateral engagement.

The events of August 12, 2025—Netanyahu’s video appeal and the embrace of “Greater Israel”—are not isolated flashes of rhetoric but crystallize long-standing ideological and geopolitical fault lines. The language of liberation and water aid interwoven with conquest and regime overthrow exemplifies the complex, dangerous entanglement of ethno-religious nationalism, realpolitik, and regional power plays. As each side frames itself as the rightful architect of the region’s future, the real victims may be stability, human rights, and any hope for equitable governance.

Israel’s prime minister’s call for Iranians to overthrow their government mirrors Iran’s rejection of the “Zionist regime,” underscoring two points: first, the deep incompatibility between race-based or religion-based nationalism and genuinely pluralistic societies; second, the role of supremacist ideologies as a driving force behind such nationalist regimes. Zionism—with both its religious dimension (membership in the Jewish faith) and its ethnic dimension (Jewish identity as race or ethnicity)—and Arab or Persian ethnic nationalism, alongside Islamism as a religious form, are locked in a clash that cannot be resolved by one prevailing over the others, but perhaps only by the eventual failure of them all.

  

Media Review: Shifting Public Opinion and Israel’s Media Suppression Amid Gaza’s Devastation

Media Review: Shifting Public Opinion and Israel’s Media Suppression Amid Gaza’s Devastation

    Wednesday, July 30, 2025   No comments

Media Review: Human Rights, Selective Outrage, and the Politics of Condemnation

Media Review: Human Rights, Selective Outrage, and the Politics of Condemnation

    Monday, May 26, 2025   No comments

In the realm of global politics, the language of morality is often wielded not as a principle, but as a weapon—selectively applied, conveniently ignored. Nowhere is this hypocrisy more glaring than in the recent reactions of Western leaders to the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. When Russia retaliated against a Ukrainian drone assault by launching strikes that killed 12 people, leaders like U.S. President Donald Trump were quick to label Vladimir Putin as “absolutely crazy” and a “killer.” Yet, just days later, Israel launched a brutal airstrike on a school in Gaza sheltering displaced families, killing at least 54 Palestinians—mostly children—and silence or cautious equivocation followed. In fact, these same leaders continue to fund, arm, and diplomatically shield Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a man already indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes. This double standard reveals a painful truth: in the eyes of Western powers, not all human lives are equal, and not all victims are mourned.

The facts are indisputable. According to reports from Al Jazeera, the BBC, and eyewitness accounts, Israeli airstrikes targeted the Fahmi al-Jargawi school in Gaza City, killing dozens, many of whom were burnt beyond recognition. These were not militants or combatants; they were civilians—babies and children asleep in makeshift shelters after fleeing other bombardments. Just days earlier, another Israeli strike obliterated the home of Palestinian doctor Alaa Al-Najjar, killing all nine of her children. She was saving other lives in a hospital while her own were buried in rubble. The loss was not just personal—it was emblematic of a systemic campaign of destruction. As the Arabic-language article poignantly described, “this is not a story of one family, it is the recurring scene of Gaza.”

Meanwhile, when Russia responded to a coordinated assault involving 96 drones launched by Ukraine toward Moscow, killing 12 civilians in a retaliatory strike, the condemnation from Western capitals was swift and categorical. Putin was called irrational, genocidal, and in Trump’s words, “absolutely CRAZY.” While no act of violence against civilians can be morally justified, the disparity in the global reaction is stark. What makes the death of 12 Ukrainians worthy of universal outrage and sanctions, while the burning of 36 Palestinian children in their sleep barely moves the needle of Western conscience?

The answer lies not in law or logic, but in power and politics. Israel is a key ally of the United States and other Western nations. It receives billions in annual military aid, enjoys diplomatic protection at the United Nations, and is portrayed as a bastion of democracy in a volatile region. Russia, by contrast, is a geopolitical rival. Condemning its actions aligns with the strategic and ideological interests of the West. But in elevating political allegiance over human dignity, Western leaders have exposed the hollowness of their professed values.

The roots of this selective empathy is found in supremacism. As Israeli journalist Gideon Levy notes, the Israeli public is conditioned to view Palestinians not as humans, but as threats—mere shadows on a moral map that excludes them. This dehumanization enables the normalization of mass death, the obliteration of entire neighborhoods, and the bombing of hospitals and schools. Western complicity compounds this tragedy by offering political and military support without meaningful accountability. When the victims are viewed as less than human, their deaths demand no justice.

The implications are devastating—not just for Gaza, but for the moral credibility of the West itself. If the universal declaration of human rights only applies to those within a favored political camp, then it is not universal at all. If war crimes are condemned in Moscow but ignored in Tel Aviv, then the West is not defending international law—it is manipulating it. And if leaders like Netanyahu are embraced while others are vilified for similar or lesser acts, then the claim to moral leadership rings hollow.

In Gaza, as one article lamented, people no longer wait for justice from the world. “We write, we witness, we record,” it says, “so that if we die today, history will know who killed us—and why no one trembled.” It is a chilling testament to the abandonment of an entire people, not just by their occupiers, but by the global community that claims to uphold their rights.

Justice cannot be selective. Empathy cannot be conditional. If Western leaders are to retain even a shred of moral authority, they must confront their own hypocrisy. The lives of Palestinian children matter as much as those in Kyiv. War crimes are war crimes, whether committed by an adversary or an ally. And silence, when the bombs fall on schools and hospitals, is not neutrality—it is complicity.

"Israel Is Meant to Be Jewish and Democratic; It Cannot Be Both"

"Israel Is Meant to Be Jewish and Democratic; It Cannot Be Both"

    Monday, January 27, 2025   No comments

There is no enduring end to cyclical violence without a political solution to the fate of the Palestinians. No one is seriously talking about the day after another Gaza war, unless they talk about political settlement, not security arrangement. The New York Times borrowed a line from John Kerry  who argued that "Israel Is Meant to Be Jewish and Democratic. It Cannot Be Both." The NYT article  interpreted that statement by invoking another maxim: "States Don’t Have a Right to Exist. People Do." Here are some excerpts from the article, referenced by similar views published in global media outlets.

  

U.S. uses veto, again, to block a draft cease fire in Gaza resolution

U.S. uses veto, again, to block a draft cease fire in Gaza resolution

    Wednesday, November 20, 2024   No comments

For the  4th time since the start of the war on Gaza, the United States vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling for a ceasefire in Israel’s war on the Gaza Strip.

The draft resolution, which was supported by 14 countries and opposed by only the United States, called for “an immediate, unconditional and lasting ceasefire to be respected by all parties” and “the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.”

The draft resolution stressed the need for the parties to co
mply with their obligations under international law regarding the persons they are holding captive and to enable the civilian population in the Gaza Strip to immediately obtain basic services and humanitarian assistance essential to their survival.

The draft resolution at the same time rejected any action that would lead to the starvation of Palestinians, and called for the facilitation of full, rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to the Gaza Strip and all its areas to reach all Palestinian civilians in need, including civilians in the besieged northern Gaza Strip who are in dire need of immediate humanitarian relief, under the coordination of the United Nations.

The draft resolution called on all parties to fully comply with international law, including international humanitarian law, in particular its provisions relating to the protection of civilians, including in particular women, children and persons hors de combat, as well as its provisions relating to the protection of civilian objects.

The United States alone voted against the resolution, using its veto as a permanent member of the council to prevent its passage as it did many times before.

Media review, CNN commentator: "I hope your beeper doesn’t go off"

Media review, CNN commentator: "I hope your beeper doesn’t go off"

    Tuesday, October 29, 2024   No comments

Mainstream media guests include those who normalize acts of state terrorism, when the state of Israel turned communication devices into indiscriminate bombs. 

CNN describes the exchange that took place in its own studios with this introduction:

"CNN says a right-wing commentator will not be welcomed back on air after he made a racist remark on “CNN NewsNight with Abby Phillip.”

On Monday’s prime time show, after Muslim journalist Mehdi Hasan stated that he supports Palestinians, conservative commentator Ryan Girdusky responded, “I hope your beeper doesn’t go off.” The comment referenced the thousands of pager explosions in Lebanon targeting Hezbollah militants. CNN has learned the attacks were carried out by Israel." - CNN

Nika Soon-Shiong said LA Times endorsement was blocked over Gaza war support

Nika Soon-Shiong said LA Times endorsement was blocked over Gaza war support

    Sunday, October 27, 2024   No comments

CNN and other media outlets reported that "the daughter of Los Angeles Times owner Patrick Soon-Shiong suggested on Saturday that herfather’s decision to block the newspaper’s endorsement of Vice President Kamala Harris was made over Harris’ support for Israel’s war in Gaza.

Nika Soon-Shiong, a 31-year-old activist who has no official role at the newspaper but has previously been accused of meddling in its coverage, told The New York Times that she and her father made the decision not to endorse Harris. Nika Soon-Shiong reportedly said:

“Our family made the joint decision not to endorse a Presidential candidate. This was the first and only time I have been involved in the process... As a citizen of a country openly financing genocide, and as a family that experienced South African Apartheid, the endorsement was an opportunity to repudiate justifications for the widespread targeting of journalists and ongoing war on children.”

Before Biden dropped out, it was argued that Gaza Genocide will be for Biden what Covid-19 was for Trump. Harris, not making a clear shift in Biden's policies and approach made her inherit his legacy and that will likely sink her bid for the presidency. Young Americans, especially, are not willing to look past the atrocities in Gaza and now Lebanon happening under Biden's watch and by his support.

Prestigious academic institutions' declining prestige

Prestigious academic institutions' declining prestige

    Friday, October 11, 2024   No comments

Princeton Praised a Professor for Winning a MacArthur; and at the same time, Princeton launches a Probe Into Her stance on Palestine.

As congratulations poured in for the recipients of this year’s MacArthur Award, Dr. Ruha Benjamin, a professor of African American studies at Princeton University, should have been celebrating a career-defining achievement. But the full story was a bit more complicated. Around the same time that she had been awarded one of the most prestigious prizes in intellectual circles, Dr. Benjamin was being chastised for pro-Palestine activism by her university.  

                                                                    Read full article...

“Iran’s Attack on Israel Failed”

“Iran’s Attack on Israel Failed”

    Wednesday, October 02, 2024   No comments

Western media and Western government reactions to Iran’s retaliatory attack on Israel raises serious concerns. Before sharing some of these reactions, some context, then some questions that would drive world community perception of governments' reactions to these developments.

On October 1, Iran struck several military and security sites in Israel in response to Israel’s assassination of Haniyeh, Nasrollah, and Iranian officials. Iran described the attack as “legal, rational and legitimate”.

Israeli leaders said Iran's strike "failed" but also siad that Israel reserves the right to retaliate. Some Western governments said Iran’s attack failed because their armies participated in intercepting the rockets. They also “strongly condemned” the attack by Iran. 

These positions might be convenient at the moment. However, long term, the West might come to regret their reactions and non-reactions to the events of the last weeks and months because their positions expose their disdain to the life and dignity of other peoples, compared to how they avenge the deaths of their own. These are critical moments that require principled response. Few facts will illustrate the problem the West faces.

1. If Iran’s attack failed, why are Western governments condemning it in the strongest terms possible? And did it fail because it did not kill Israeli civilians? Because many of the rockets landed, and they seem to have landed in specific locations, which means if they were aimed at civilian centers they would have landed in civilian centers. Is the West's measure of failure and success determined by the number of civilians killed?

2. Whenever Israel attacks another country and such attacks result in countless deaths of civilians including children and women, the West does not condemn such attacks; instead reaffirms Israel’s right for self-defense. If they believe in a principle of self-defense, Western governments need to answer the questions: Do other peoples and other countries have the right to such self-defense, too?

3. When Israel attacks in self-defense, civilians, including children and women, as acknowledged by France’s president are killed. In fact, in retaliation for the Oct. 7 attack, Israel killed 13 Palestinian children for 1 Israeli death for a total of 16,000 Palestinian chidlren and counting; or 33 Palestinians for 1 Israeli, for a total of 41,000 Gazans and counting. Is this an acceptable formular for self-defense killings?

Answers to these questions are not an exercise in morality speak; answers to these questions can form a practical, sound foundation for ending the cycles of violence.

  

New Zealand journalist Shaneel Lal on Western Media and Genocide

New Zealand journalist Shaneel Lal on Western Media and Genocide

    Friday, September 27, 2024   No comments

New Zealand journalist Shaneel Lal delivers a powerful speech in support of Gaza and Palestinian journalists killed by the Israeli occupation during his acceptance speech for the Journalist of the Year Award at the One Young World Summit in Montréal, Canada.

“It’s our moral obligation to give voice to those who have been oppressed and silenced by those in power” 

The Problem is not Netanyahu, it is Israel's next generation of leaders like Bezalel Smotrich

The Problem is not Netanyahu, it is Israel's next generation of leaders like Bezalel Smotrich

    Monday, September 09, 2024   No comments

Hundreds of thousands protest weekly in Israel these days, wanting to bring down Netanyahu and his government, accusing the former of being an obstacle to making a deal that would end the war in Gaza, and saying that he is doing so for purely personal reasons--fear of being charged and convicted with crimes. If that is true, that would make him less dangerous to the region than other members of his government who are against any deals, not for personal reasons, but for ideological and religious reasons. And the future of Israel will be in the hands of people like Bezalel Smotrich, who hold the belief that Israel will be secure only when Palestinians are erased.

“I believe that the village of Hawara should be wiped out, and I believe that the State of Israel should do it, and not, God forbid, private individuals.” These words escaped the lips of Bezalel Smotrich, Minister of Finance and Minister of Civil Affairs in the Ministry of Defense in Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, during a conference organized in Tel Aviv in March 2023 by the Israeli economic newspaper The Marker. 

The minister, who heads the “Religious Zionism” party and is known to be a licensed lawyer and carefully calculates his words, did not expect, in the context of his comment on the settlers’ barbaric campaign against homes and property in the village of Hawara, south of Nablus, (in revenge for the killing of settlers by Palestinians), that this statement would bring upon him the wrath of the US State Department, whose officials called for a boycott of him. The US ambassador to Tel Aviv, Tom Nides, went on to call Smotrich “stupid,” prompting the latter to try to minimize the damage during a televised news program, saying, “Whoever can attribute to me the intention of wiping out the village, that is up to their obsessive mind. The intention is to be more proactive and aggressive in the war against terrorism, because people are being killed here… Perhaps this was said during a fit of emotion… I stumbled over my tongue.” 

But "the cat's out of the bag", and Smotrich’s words and actions, past and present, have come under scrutiny, given that he has been the third pillar of the ruling coalition in Israel since December 2022, after Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Yoav Galant, and the guardian of settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank, in its new form.

Smotrich is not an outlier who represents no one in Israel, he has been elected consistently for years. Smotrich entered the Israeli political arena after being elected to the Knesset in March 2015, and was re-elected for five subsequent terms. With the formation of Netanyahu’s sixth government at the end of 2022, Smotrich was given the Finance Minister portfolio, which was previously held by Avigdor Lieberman, controlling the budgets of ministries and state institutions, including the army, in addition to controlling the movement of funds received by the Palestinian Authority under the 1994 Paris Agreement, especially the tax funds that must be handed over to the Authority, known as the clearance revenue, which is considered the backbone of public revenues in Palestine. In addition to this important and sensitive portfolio, another portfolio was added, the Ministry of Civil Affairs within the Ministry of Defense. In addition to the two portfolios, the leader of the Religious Zionism Party, Orit Struck, was appointed Minister of Settlement.

Smotrich first ran for the 18th Knesset in 2009, coming in ninth place on the National Union list. According to the Knesset Elections Law, he was exempted from serving in the IDF for three months, after which he returned to complete his service. At first, Smotrich opposed entering politics, but he did so on the instructions of his elders - headed by Rabbi Haim Druckman - who decided that this was a necessary step.

On June 23, 2019, he was appointed Minister of Transportation and a member of the Political-Security Cabinet in the transitional government.

Ahead of the 24th Knesset elections, he split from the Yamina list, according to him, against the backdrop of Naftali Bennett's willingness to enter the government in cooperation with left-wing parties. Smotrich ran as head of the "Religious Zionism" list in the technical bloc of the National Union parties: "Takuma", "Otzma Yehudit" and "Noam". The list won 6 seats in the elections, 4 of which went to Smotrich's party.

Where did this settler, haunted by the doctrine of "religious Zionism", come from?

His biography published on social media platforms says that he was born in 1980 in the settlement of "Haspin", built on the ruins of the village of "Khasfin" in the southern occupied Syrian Golan, to a Ukrainian family of religious nationalist zealots. In the settlement of "Beit El" north of Ramallah, he grew up in schools that combine the Jewish religion and Zionist thought.

Smotrich is the son of a settlement rabbi. He was born in one settlement, raised in another, married and lived in a third, from the Golan Heights to Hebron in Kiryat Arba, and then to Kedumim near Nablus. When he was 28, Smotrich volunteered in the Israeli army, and served for a year and a half in the central square in the operations department of the General Staff, a special period of service for religious people.

A leader for the future who is putting roots settlements he is determined to expand

Although he holds a bachelor’s degree in law and is licensed to practice law, Smotrich does not believe in international law, peace agreements with neighboring countries, or any Israeli laws that contradict the “Greater Israel” doctrine that aims to impose sovereignty over all of the Palestinian territories and parts of Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon.

The man currently lives with his settler wife and seven children in the Kedumim settlement, built on Nablus land in the northern West Bank, after he seized private Palestinian land and built his home on it without a permit even from the occupation authorities.

The Israeli investigative website "Shomrim" revealed some features of the doctrine of "religious Zionism" and its impact on Smotrich's statements and speeches, in a report published by the Arabic version of the "Madar" website on September 4, 2023.

The report says: Regarding the conflict with the Palestinians, Smotrich often repeats phrases: There is no such thing as "two states for two peoples" and "The land of Israel is ours, and what is ours cannot be stolen," and another refrain that clearly reflects his quest for a single state or the implementation of a transfer. In 2015, he said in a speech he gave before the Knesset General Assembly: "There is only one state here, a Jewish state, and there will never be a Palestinian state alongside it. Whoever wants to live with us is welcome, but whoever does not want to either leave or we will see him in the crosshairs" (rifle aim). A year later, Smotrich wrote on Twitter (then X now): “All that remains now is to move from words to deeds: turn off the lights in the Palestinian Authority, impose sovereignty, and do everything that any self-respecting independent state would do.” As for the idea of ​​voluntary transfer, Smotrich calls it “encouraging immigration,” explaining that “those who do not want or cannot put aside their national aspirations will receive assistance from us to immigrate to an Arab country or to any other destination in the world.” This is not immigration on rickety boats, but rather the modern phenomenon of immigration on a plane to an organized future. 

Smotrich: My life’s mission is to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state

Smotrich has declared just this week that his life mission is to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state. Smotrich, leader of the Religious Zionism party, made these remarks via social media, further emphasizing his commitment to expanding Israeli control over the occupied West Bank.

Smotrich stated, “My life’s mission is to build the Land of Israel and thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger the State of Israel.” He framed this goal as not merely political but “national and existential,” highlighting the deep ideological commitment that drives his agenda.

Smotrich also highlighted his policies to entrench Israeli control in the occupied West Bank. “This is why, in addition to my role as Finance Minister, I took on the responsibility for civilian affairs in Judea and Samaria (the Israeli biblical name for the West Bank),” he added, reinforcing his intent to expand and support illegal settlements.

Smotrich’s rhetoric, which explicitly rejects Palestinian statehood, further highlights the ongoing challenges Palestinians face under Israeli occupation. His pledge to protect the “half a million settlers on the frontline, under fire,” is seen as a direct message to Palestinians threatening of subjecting them to ethnic cleansing.

Recently, Israeli settlers in the West Bank have escalated their violent attacks on native Palestinians, emboldened by Israeli leaders like Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.

Senior Israeli military officials have even accused Smotrich and Ben Gvir of fueling unrest and “provoking a regional war.” According to reports in Israeli media, their extreme policies are seen as the “direct cause” of what is described as an increase in Palestinian resistance across the West Bank.

Smotrich also said that while the Israeli political leadership aims to control the aid entering Gaza, the Israeli military refuses to take responsibility for managing it.

The minister’s insistence on Israeli control over aid comes at a time when the besieged Gaza Strip is suffering from an Israeli-made famine and humanitarian crisis.

 Smotrich's Messianic "Revolution"

“A few weeks ago, I met with one of the settler leaders in the West Bank, a Likudman. I asked him what grade he would give Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. The man said, ‘I’m disappointed with Ben-Gvir. He talks more than he does. I’m very satisfied with Smotrich,’” Yedioth Ahronoth political analyst Nahum Barnea wrote in his report on the radical changes that Finance Minister and Defense Minister Smotrich have brought about in the West Bank. Although the report did not provide anything new in this regard, it explained, in some detail, how the extremist minister, founder of the Regavim movement, was able to bring about a qualitative shift in the settlement project in the West Bank towards actually annexing the latter to Israel, which enabled him to obtain the “mark” he deserved. 

According to Israeli law, the army is the supreme authority or sovereign in the West Bank, “but in reality, Israel’s sovereignty in Judea and Samaria was handed over to a closed, extremist political sect, which obeys the command of one person and advances according to one messianic plan,” according to Barnea, who adds that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “supports that sect or does not obstruct it. What it currently lacks is completed by the government revolution within the Green Line, with weak opposition from the army.” 

The writer explains that Smotrich took control of the West Bank using a pincer tactic, the first jaw of which is represented by his position as Minister of Finance, and the second by his powers derived from his position as Minister of Defense, adding that “the goal he set in the decisive plan he published in 2017 has not changed: to cause the collapse of the Palestinian Authority, prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, and present the seven million Arabs living between the Jordan River and the sea with one of these options: death in battle, emigrate abroad, or remain second-class citizens forever.” In this context, Smotrich froze or delayed the transfer of clearance revenues that Israel collects on behalf of the Palestinian Authority from customs and taxes, in order to pay the salaries of its employees. 

Not only that, but he also activated “Article B of the Terror Victims Compensation Law,” which was approved last June at the behest of Justice Minister Yariv Levin and the chairman of the Constitution and Law Committee, Simcha Rothman. It stipulates that “any person injured in a terrorist act who sustains a permanent disability is entitled to compensation of up to five million shekels,” which is the money that Israel deducts from the clearance revenues, and is equivalent to the allocations that the Palestinian Authority pays to the families of Palestinian martyrs and prisoners. 

According to the new law, Israel can deduct it twice. Also, since October 7, the issuance of work permits within the Green Line has been suspended; Barnea points out here that “the Shin Bet, which feared the consequences of the economic crisis and its impact on the escalation of resistance operations, prepared a plan for the supervised entry of a portion of the workers into permanent workplaces,” while “the army supported this plan, but Smotrich and his colleagues exerted pressure that led to its rejection, and the Palestinian population was left with no choice but to rely on foreign aid, including money sent by Iran to the Hamas and Islamic Jihad movements.”

The second arm of the “Smotrich empire” is Hillel Rot from the Yitzhar settlement, who, after being appointed deputy head of the Civil Administration for Civil Affairs by Smotrich, became the de facto governor of the West Bank. In this context, Barnea quotes Professor Dan Turner, a settler in the Kfar Adumim settlement on the Jerusalem-Jericho road, as saying that “all the powers of the head of the Civil Administration were given to Rot, who is subordinate to the Settlement Administration, a political body in Smotrich’s ministry in the Ministry of Defense.” 

Among these powers is the appointment of department heads in the Civil Administration; Rot “appoints activists in the Religious Zionism Party to it, and thus an engineer from the Revava settlement was recently appointed director of the planning office in the Civil Administration, which is the highest authority in the field of planning and construction (in the West Bank).” The “Smotrich revolution” also affected the “legal advisor for Judea and Samaria,” who is subordinate to the military prosecution; He was fired and his department was closed, while “Smotrich appointed more than 20 lawyers whose mission is to quickly change the regulations to allow the development of the area for Jews only,” according to Turner, who explains that “everything is managed by civilian officials, politicians. Civilizing services is one of Smotrich’s means of freeing himself from the control of the army and implementing de facto annexation.” 

He explains that “over the past year and a half, there has been no planning for the 300,000 Palestinians living in Area C, and they have not been granted a single building permit, while demolitions, including the demolition of water wells and schools, have become routine.” In contrast, the declaration of lands as “state land” has quadrupled, as have building permits, and the establishment of unauthorized outposts has accelerated. According to Turner, “There are more than 100 small outposts and farms on Palestinian pastures. 

Unauthorized construction by Jews is not enforced, with Smotrich’s encouragement.” For its part, the “Judea and Samaria Police are acting in accordance with the policy of (National Security Minister Itamar) Ben-Gvir; they refrain from stopping Jewish violence and terrorism. If a settler is arrested, he is immediately released.” In fact, all of the above “will not help us in the court hearings against us in The Hague,” according to Turner, which intersects with what Barnea reported from Israeli security officials, who expressed their fear of “the impact of Kahanist measures (terrorism derived from the doctrine of Rav Meir Kahane, founder of the terrorist Kach movement) in the West Bank on the escalation of terrorism (resistance operations), and of a ruling that may be issued by the two international courts in The Hague.” 

According to Barnea, what is happening in the West Bank “seems to be a convenient pretext for issuing arrest warrants for government ministers, including its prime minister,” and “the American administration is concerned about the changes taking place in the West Bank, no less than it is concerned about the stagnation in Gaza. What happens in the West Bank does not stay in the West Bank.” Yesterday, Smotrich renewed his defense of what he is doing in the West Bank in a post on X, saying that “my life’s mission is to build the Land of Israel and thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger the State of Israel. 

This is not political, but rather national and existential. That is why I have taken upon myself, in addition to my position as Minister of Finance, responsibility for civil affairs in Judea and Samaria.” He added, “(I) will continue to work with all my might so that the half a million settlers living on the front lines and under fire enjoy the rights of every citizen of Israel, and to establish facts that prevent the establishment of a Palestinian terrorist state, which will be (…) an Iranian forward base for the next massacre in Kfar Saba, Raanana and the entire center of the country.”

...

  These are not the views of an outlier, Israel's leaders are elected, and Bezalel Smotrich was not elected once or twice, he was elected many times and he, like leaders of other Zionist parties, represent a majority of the Israeli society, which means it represents the popular view of Israel. When Western governments, and Arab leaders address the place of Hamas and other religious groups in Palestinian societies, they often say, Hamas does not represent the Palestinians. The problem for Western leaders, is, what do you say about the Israeli Hamas-like, based on Western reasoning, like the groups that elect Bezalel Smotrich, who represent the majority of society, and are calling for genocide, forced population transfer, and ethnic cleansing? Does their being elected make them less subject to the principles of justice upon which the Palestinian claim to statehood is based?

  

Media review, compiled by Ali Hafez, B. Hamoud et al.

How serious is the killing of US citizen outside US? It depends on who does the killing

How serious is the killing of US citizen outside US? It depends on who does the killing

    Friday, September 06, 2024   No comments

When US citizens are killed by Muslims, US administrations exact bloody revenge swiftly and decisively, and the media always finds the way to explicitly name the persons who killed them and emphasize their being Muslim. But not when American citizens are killed by Israeli forces. The reaction to the recent killing of a US citizen by Israeli forces in West Bank is one example in a series of many including the killing of American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh and going back all the way to the gruesome killing of Rachel Corrie.

Here is how the media reported on the killing and how some Western officials, including UN officials reacted: generally, wanting the accused to investigate themselves.

US-Turkish activist Aysenur Ezgi Eygi, 26, was shot dead by Israel in the West Bank during settlement protest.

Social media users, including Scotland’s first minister, Hamza Yousaf, have criticized the BBC for not including the perpetrators of Eygi’s death in their headline.

The pattern of shielding the killer is clear; NPR reported on Israeli troops shooting of American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh in West Bank echo's BBC's:

Eygi was participating in a protest against illegal Israeli settlement expansion in the town of Beita, south of Nablus, the Palestinian Wafa agency reported.

An activist who was with Eygi at the time told Middle East Eye that she and other volunteers from the International Solidarity Movement had been attending the weekly demonstration at Beita.

"When she was shot, she was standing there doing absolutely nothing with one other woman - it was a deliberate shot because they shot from a very, very, very far distance," said the activist, who did not want to be identified.

US officials' reaction, mostly muted

The only voice in the US to demand serious action to address Israel's killing of a US citizen was US Senator Chris Van Hollen.

On Friday Van Hollen urged Biden administration to do more to hold Israel accountable for killing of American citizens.

"The Netanyahu Government - including racist extremist like Smotrich and Ben-Gvir - has fueled settler violence in the West Bank at the same time that it has announced new illegal settlements.

"The United States cannot turn a blind eye to these actions – including the killing of American citizens," Democrat senator said in a statement.

His remarks came after Turkish-American activist Aysenur Ezgi Eygi was shot dead by Israeli forces on Friday during a protest against illegal Israeli settlements in the town of Beita in the Nablus district of the occupied West Bank.

Van Hollen said the US has not received "satisfactory responses" from the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Government about the two other Americans killed in the West Bank since Oct. 7, adding the Biden administration has "not been doing enough" to pursue justice and accountability on their behalf.

"The Biden Administration must do more to hold the Netanyahu Government accountable and use American influence to demand the prosecution of those responsible for harm against American citizens.

"If the Netanyahu Government will not pursue justice for Americans, the U.S. Department of Justice must," he added.

When UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric was asked about the killing of American citizen Aysenur Ezgi Eygi by Israeli soldiers in the occupied West Bank, he replied, "We would want to see a full investigation of the circumstances, and that people should be held accountable. And again, civilians must be protected at all times."

A long history of bias

In the case of Corrie, even after 21 years, US media, including NPR, continue to deny her justice, using headlines that says, "the death" instead of the killing, and living the name of the actor who did the killing out.

...

Update:

On September 9, US President Joe Biden appeared to embrace Israel's explanation, which claimed that IDF killing of American activist in West Bank was accidental. 

Biden described the killing of a 26-year-old American citizen in the Israeli-occupied West Bank last week as an apparent accident, echoing the Israel government's description.

Israel has claimed that Aysenur Ezgi Eygi was "hit indirectly and unintentionally by IDF fire" on Friday. 

"We're finding more detail," Biden told reporters on the South Lawn of the White House Tuesday. "Apparently, it was an accident. It ricocheted off the ground and it – (she) got hit by accident, but we're working that out now."