Iranian President Pazeshkian: "To the people of the United States of America"

Iranian President Pazeshkian: "To the people of the United States of America"

    Wednesday, April 01, 2026   No comments

In a letter addressed to the American public, Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian invites people in the United States.

Key statements from the letter:

In a letter addressed to the American public, Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian invites people in the United States to look beyond political rhetoric and reconsider the realities of Iran's past, present, and aspirations for a future defined not by confrontation, but by truth, dignity, and mutual understanding.

He emphasizes that in a world shaped by competing narratives and deep geopolitical tensions, the relationship between Iran and the United States remains one of the most misunderstood. Iran, he states, has never in its modern history chosen the path of aggression, expansion, colonialism, or domination, and has never initiated any war.

Pezeshkian traces Iranian distrust toward America to the 1953 CIA-backed coup, support for Saddam Hussein during the Iran–Iraq war, and decades of sanctions and military pressure. He describes recent attacks on Iranian infrastructure as war crimes that will destabilize the region beyond Iran's borders.

He challenges Americans to question whose interests the conflict serves, accusing Israel of using the US as a proxy to fight its battles, and invites Americans to recognize Iran's resilience, development, and the achievements of Iranians globally.

The letter concludes that the choice between confrontation and engagement is fateful—not just for the two nations, but for future generations.

UAE Explores Military Role in Strait of Hormuz Operation Amid Escalating Iran Tensions

UAE Explores Military Role in Strait of Hormuz Operation Amid Escalating Iran Tensions

    Wednesday, April 01, 2026   No comments

The United Arab Emirates is reportedly preparing to support potential military operations to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and is lobbying for a United Nations Security Council resolution to authorize such action, according to a Wall Street Journal report citing Arab officials. If the UAE proceeds, it would become the first Gulf state to formally participate in the conflict as a combatant.

Emirati diplomats have urged the United States and military powers in Europe and Asia to form a coalition to secure the strategic waterway, which handles approximately one-fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments. According to officials familiar with the discussions, the UAE is evaluating potential military contributions, including mine-clearing operations and logistical support.

The UAE has also reportedly suggested that the United States consider occupying Iranian-held islands in the strait, including Abu Musa—a territory claimed by Abu Dhabi for decades.

The reported shift in UAE posture comes amid intensified Iranian attacks on Gulf states. On April 1, 2026, UAE air defense systems intercepted five ballistic missiles and 35 drones originating from Iran, according to the UAE Ministry of Defense. Since the onset of hostilities, UAE defenses have engaged a total of 438 ballistic missiles, 19 cruise missiles, and 2,012 drones, the ministry reported.

These attacks have resulted in casualties, including two members of the UAE Armed Forces killed while on duty, one Moroccan civilian under military contract, and nine civilians of Pakistani, Nepalese, Bangladeshi, Palestinian, and Indian nationalities. An additional 190 individuals of diverse nationalities sustained injuries ranging from minor to severe.

Iran has warned it will target civilian infrastructure in any Gulf state that supports military operations against its territory. Tehran has framed its actions as defensive responses to what it characterizes as aggression.

The UAE has framed its position around international norms, citing UN resolutions condemning Iran's attacks and disruptions to maritime traffic. The UAE Foreign Ministry stated there is "broad global consensus that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be preserved."

The UN Security Council recently adopted a resolution condemning Iran's attacks on Gulf Cooperation Council states and demanding an immediate cessation of hostilities. The resolution passed with 13 votes in favor and two abstentions.

While Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states have expressed support for continuing pressure on Iran's leadership, they have stopped short of committing their own militaries to direct combat operations.

Military analysts caution that reopening the Strait of Hormuz by force presents significant operational challenges. Securing the waterway would likely require control not only of maritime routes but also of adjacent coastal areas—a complex undertaking with uncertain outcomes.

"I don't think we can do it," said Rep. Adam Smith (D-WA), former chair of the House Armed Services Committee. "All Iran has to do is keep the strait under threat—one drone, one mine, one small suicide boat."

The ongoing conflict has already impacted the UAE's economy, disrupting air travel, affecting tourism, and creating uncertainty in property markets. The UAE has responded with measures including restrictions on Iranian nationals and the closure of Iranian-linked institutions in Dubai.

As diplomatic and military calculations continue, the UAE faces a consequential decision: whether to maintain its current defensive posture or take a more active role in efforts to secure one of the world's most critical energy chokepoints.

How the UAE's Reparations Demand Opens the Door to Iran's Counterclaim

How the UAE's Reparations Demand Opens the Door to Iran's Counterclaim

    Sunday, March 29, 2026   No comments

The Mirror of Accountability

In the fraught theater of Middle East diplomacy, a striking rhetorical pivot has emerged: the United Arab Emirates, a key U.S. ally in the Gulf, has publicly demanded that Iran pay reparations for attacks on Gulf civilians and infrastructure. Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to the UAE president, stated that any political solution to Iranian attacks must include reparations for damage to vital facilities and civilians, alongside guarantees to prevent recurrence, accusing Iran of deceiving its neighbors before the war and engaging in premeditated aggression despite Gulf efforts to avoid conflict. This stance, reflecting growing Gulf frustration over the human and economic costs of the widening conflict, seeks to embed accountability into any future settlement.

In advancing this argument, the UAE has inadvertently furnished Iran with a powerful legal and moral framework to advance its own claim—one that turns the logic of reparations back upon its originators. Just days after Gargash's statement, Iran's U.N. Ambassador, Amir-Saeid Iravani, formally notified the U.N. Secretary-General that Tehran seeks compensation from the UAE, accusing it of enabling U.S. attacks against Iranian territory. In the letter, Iravani asserted that the UAE's decision to allow its territory to be used for the strikes constituted an internationally wrongful act that entailed state responsibility. Tehran further argued that the UAE had an international responsibility to provide reparation, including compensation for all material and moral damages incurred.

The Legal Symmetry of State Responsibility

At the heart of this diplomatic duel lies a foundational principle of international law: the doctrine of state responsibility. Under this framework, a state is legally accountable for internationally wrongful acts attributable to it, including facilitating the use of its territory for attacks against another sovereign state. The UAE's demand for reparations rests on the premise that Iran's attacks violated Gulf sovereignty and caused measurable harm—a premise Iran does not dispute in principle, but rather redirects. If Iranian strikes launched from its own territory warrant compensation, then, by identical legal reasoning, the use of Emirati soil, airspace, or logistical support to launch U.S. strikes against Iran constitutes a parallel wrongful act. As Iravani emphasized in subsequent complaints, Jordan, the UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, and Kuwait were all allegedly used to facilitate these attacks, urging these governments to observe the principle of good neighbourliness and prevent the continued use of their territories against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

This is not merely rhetorical tit-for-tat. It is a strategic invocation of legal symmetry: the same standard applied to hold Iran accountable can—and should—be applied to those who enabled the aggression. The UAE's omission of this context in its public statements is telling. By demanding reparations without acknowledging that Iran's retaliatory strikes occurred within the context of a broader conflict initiated, in part, from Gulf territory, the UAE presents a one-sided narrative. However, international law does not operate on selective memory. If premeditated aggression merits compensation, then so too does the premeditated provision of territory for launching that aggression.

The Transactional Calculus: Trump, Gulf Allies, and Shifting the Burden

Enter the variable of U.S. presidential politics. Donald Trump, known for his transactional approach to foreign policy, has repeatedly signaled openness to deals that redistribute costs and benefits among regional actors. Reports indicate that several Gulf states—including the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, and Bahrain—reportedly lobbied the U.S. government to initiate and sustain military pressure on Iran, even as some U.S. officials privately urged de-escalation. Should Trump embrace Iran's compensation claim, he could theoretically agree to the principle of reparations while shifting the financial burden onto those Gulf states deemed to have benefited from or enabled the conflict.

This would align with Trump's documented preference for making allies pay their share and leveraging economic pressure to achieve strategic outcomes. In this scenario, the UAE's demand for Iranian reparations could backfire spectacularly: rather than receiving compensation, it might find itself on the hook for paying it. The logic is elegantly circular: if the UAE insists that aggression emanating from Iranian territory creates liability, then aggression emanating through Emirati territory must create equivalent liability. A transactional president, focused on outcomes rather than ideological consistency, could seize upon this symmetry to broker a settlement that holds Gulf allies financially accountable for their role in the conflict.

"Be Careful What You Wish For": The Strategic Peril of Selective Justice

The UAE's rhetorical gambit thus embodies a classic strategic hazard: the weaponization of a principle that can be turned against its wielder. By foregrounding reparations as a non-negotiable element of peace, Gulf officials have elevated a legal standard that Iran is now deploying with precision. This is not merely about assigning blame for specific incidents; it is about establishing a precedent for how accountability is adjudicated in regional conflicts. If the international community accepts that states can be held liable for enabling attacks launched from their territory, then every Gulf capital that hosted U.S. aircraft, shared intelligence, or provided logistical support becomes a potential defendant in Iran's counterclaim.

Moreover, the broader context matters. The war on Iran has been widely criticized by international legal scholars and human rights organizations as lacking clear authorization under the U.N. Charter, raising questions about its legality under international law. If the conflict itself is deemed an illegal use of force, then states that facilitated it may bear heightened responsibility for resulting damages. Iran's diplomatic offensive, framed in the language of state responsibility and good neighborliness, seeks to capitalize on this ambiguity. By demanding compensation from the UAE, Tehran is not only seeking redress for specific strikes but also challenging the legitimacy of the entire military campaign waged against it.

Accountability Must Be Reciprocal to Be Credible

The UAE's call for Iranian reparations is understandable from a national interest perspective: Gulf states have borne real costs from the conflict, including damage to infrastructure, disruption to energy markets, and threats to civilian safety. Nonetheless, credibility in demanding accountability requires consistency in applying its principles. International law does not permit states to claim the benefits of legal norms while evading their burdens. If the UAE wishes to hold Iran accountable for attacks launched from its territory, it must also accept accountability for enabling attacks launched through its territory.

For policymakers in Washington, Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, and beyond, this moment presents a choice: double down on selective justice and risk legitimizing Iran's counterclaims, or embrace a more reciprocal framework for accountability that acknowledges the complex interdependencies of modern warfare. In an era where transactional diplomacy increasingly shapes geopolitical outcomes, the most sustainable path forward may be one that recognizes a simple truth: the logic used to claim reparations can, and will, be used to claim them in return. The UAE's demand for Iranian compensation has not only opened the door to Iran's counterclaim—it has handed Tehran the legal keys to walk through it. As the region grapples with the aftermath of conflict, the principle of reciprocal accountability may prove to be the only foundation durable enough to support a lasting peace.

Update (3/30):

Trump likely to ask Arab states to pay for war, and that may include compensation for Iran: 

Media review: When Western Powers Abandon the Human Rights Norms They Champion

Media review: When Western Powers Abandon the Human Rights Norms They Champion

    Friday, March 27, 2026   No comments

 

This week's cascade of headlines from Geneva, Washington, and Tehran reads less like routine diplomatic reporting and more like a case study in the unraveling of a foundational post-war promise: that Western democracies would serve as the steadfast guardians of universal human rights and international law. Instead, a disturbing pattern emerges—one where the very nations that built the architecture of global accountability now appear willing to dismantle it, brick by brick, when strategic interests collide with principle. The danger is not merely in individual actions, but in the corrosive incoherence that threatens to render the entire human rights framework meaningless.

The week opened with a stark appeal from UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk, who urged the United States to conclude and publicize its investigation into the strike on the Shajareh Tayyebeh elementary school in Minab, Iran. Turk's words carried the weight of visceral horror: "Differences between countries will not be solved by killing schoolchildren." He called for an investigation that is "prompt, impartial, transparent and thorough." Yet, the very need for such a public urging underscores a crisis of trust. When the nation that champions "rules-based order" becomes the subject of urgent UN debates over civilian casualties, the gap between rhetoric and reality yawns wide.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, speaking at the same emergency Human Rights Council session, framed the attack not as an isolated incident but as part of a "broader pattern of systematic strikes on civilians and infrastructure." He described the school bombing—which reportedly killed over 175 students and teachers—as a war crime and a crime against humanity. Whether one accepts every characterization, the core question remains: if the principles of distinction and proportionality under International Humanitarian Law are negotiable when applied to adversaries, what legitimacy do they retain anywhere?

The linguistic contortions from Washington this week were particularly revealing. President Donald Trump explicitly stated he would refer to U.S. strikes on Iran as a "military operation," not a "war," because the latter term "needs approval" through democratic processes. This is not mere semantics; it is a deliberate strategy to circumvent constitutional and international legal safeguards designed to prevent unchecked executive warmaking. Similarly, U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth's declaration that America is "negotiating with bombs" reduces diplomacy to coercion, elevating force over law.

This evasion of legal terminology mirrors a broader avoidance of accountability. When asked about Israel's nuclear arsenal—a program shrouded in deliberate ambiguity—Ambassador Danny Danon simply labeled Israel a "stabilising force in the region." This assertion, made while the U.S. and Israel face accusations of targeting civilian infrastructure, highlights a profound double standard: nuclear capabilities are deemed destabilizing when possessed by some nations, but a source of "stability" when held by allies, regardless of transparency or non-proliferation commitments.

The human toll is matched by a cultural one. Reports indicate over 120 cultural sites across Iran, including historic palaces and museums in Tehran, have suffered serious damage. The deliberate targeting of cultural heritage is prohibited under international conventions, yet these strikes proceed with little apparent consequence for the perpetrators. This destruction is not collateral; it is an erosion of shared human history, underscoring how quickly norms dissolve when political will falters.

Perhaps the most symbolic moment of the week came at the UN, where the U.S. and Israel were among only three nations to vote against a resolution condemning slavery as a crime against humanity and calling for reparations. The U.S. deputy ambassador argued that while the slave trade was wrong, there is no "legal right to reparations for historical wrongs that were not illegal under international law at the time." This legalistic argument, deployed to avoid moral responsibility, stands in jarring contrast to the fervent demands for accountability directed at other nations. It signals a selective morality: human rights are universal when invoked against others, but contingent when they implicate Western historical or contemporary conduct.

The cumulative effect of these actions is not lost on observers worldwide. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's condemnation of U.S. rhetoric as "moral depravity" is easily dismissed as geopolitical posturing. But the more damaging critique comes from the erosion of trust among allies and the global South. When Western powers abandon consistency, they do not merely weaken their own moral authority; they empower authoritarian narratives that dismiss human rights as mere tools of Western hegemony.

The greatest danger lies here: the international human rights system is fragile. It depends on the perceived legitimacy and consistent application of its norms by its most powerful architects. When those architects treat international law as a menu—selecting accountability for adversaries while claiming exemption for themselves—they do not just break specific rules. They undermine the very idea that rules matter. This incoherence invites a world where might makes right, where civilian protections are conditional, and where the language of human rights becomes an empty instrument of propaganda.

This week's events should serve as a urgent reckoning for Western capitals. Reaffirming commitment to human rights cannot be a rhetorical exercise reserved for condemning rivals. It requires transparent investigations into civilian harm, adherence to legal definitions of conflict, protection of cultural heritage, and a willingness to confront historical and contemporary injustices with the same vigor applied to others.

The alternative is a downward spiral. As Iranian officials warn that "inaction only invites further violations," they articulate a truth that applies globally: norms unenforced are norms abandoned. The world is watching not just the strikes and the statements, but the consistency of the response. The credibility of the entire human rights project now hinges on whether Western nations choose coherence over convenience, and principle over power. The stakes, as the children of Minab remind us, could not be higher.

Why Selective Condemnation Undermines International Law

Why Selective Condemnation Undermines International Law

    Wednesday, March 25, 2026   No comments

 The Integrity of Sovereignty

The recent emergency session of the United Nations Human Rights Council highlighted a profound contradiction in the application of international legal principles within the Middle East. As reported during the twenty-sixth day of the war on Iran, while Gulf State governments vocally condemned Iranian violations of their territorial integrity, they remained conspicuously silent regarding violations committed against Iran itself. For any observer seriously committed to the rule of law and the principle of sovereignty, this selective outrage renders the Gulf States' position untenable. Genuine adherence to international law requires consistency; one cannot claim for oneself what one denies to others. Until Gulf governments condemn the states that violated Iran's sovereignty and attacked it in violation of international law—killing tens of girls and school children in an attack alleged to have originated in one of the Gulf States—their diplomatic posturing cannot be taken seriously.

The foundation of the modern international order rests on the concept of sovereign equality. Under the United Nations Charter, all states possess an inherent right to territorial integrity and political independence. This right is not hierarchical; it does not fluctuate based on political alliances, sectarian identity, or regional power dynamics. The simple principle of international law dictates that if a state demands respect for its own borders, it must grant that same right to its neighbors. Furthermore, states have an obligation not to allow their territory or airspace to be used to attack another sovereign nation. When Gulf States demand protection from Iranian fire while ignoring or facilitating violations against Iranian soil, they violate the core tenet of reciprocity that gives international law its legitimacy.

The specific context of the recent violence underscores this double standard. While Gulf representatives took the floor in Geneva to decry attacks on their territory, there was no corresponding condemnation for the attack on Iran that resulted in the deaths of numerous civilians, including school children. This silence persists despite the fact that such attacks have been categorized by various international observers, including European Union states like Spain and Italy, as illegal from the point of view of international law. Even within the United States, lawmakers have deemed such aggressive actions illegal under the US Constitution. When Gulf States ignore these violations while amplifying others, they signal that the lives of Iranian civilians and the sanctity of Iranian borders are of lesser value than their own.

The only coherent explanation for this clear double standard is that their position is rooted in supremacy and sectarianism rather than legal principle. By condemning violations against themselves while remaining silent on violations against Iran--violations that are using Gulf states terratories and airspace, these governments imply that their sovereignty is more important than the sovereignty of their neighbor. This hierarchy suggests that, for sectarian and nationalistic reasons, they view themselves as superior to Iran and therefore entitled to protections they are unwilling to extend. This mindset transforms international law from a universal framework of justice into a tool of political weaponization. It suggests that sovereignty is a privilege reserved for the favored, rather than a right inherent to all states.

Ethically and legally, this approach should not be tolerated. The credibility of the international legal system depends on the uniform application of its rules. If powerful regional actors are permitted to violate the sovereignty of others without consequence while demanding strict adherence from their adversaries, the concept of law collapses into the law of the jungle. For Gulf States to regain credibility among those committed to genuine justice, they must align their actions with their rhetoric. They must condemn all violations of sovereignty and not take part in attacks on their sovereign neighbors, regardless of the victim or the perpetrator. Until they acknowledge that Iran's right to exist without attack is equal to their own, their condemnations remain merely political maneuvers, devoid of the moral and legal authority they claim to possess.

Former Irish president, Mary Robinson: On The West's Selective Silence

Former Irish president, Mary Robinson: On The West's Selective Silence

    Friday, March 20, 2026   No comments

How International Law Falters in the Face of Power

In a world where the rules-based international order is repeatedly invoked as a cornerstone of global stability, a troubling pattern has emerged: the selective application of international law. Nowhere is this more evident than in the muted Western response to the United States and Israel's military campaign against Iran—a campaign that leading legal experts and respected voices like former Irish President Mary Robinson have unequivocally labeled illegal.

Mary Robinson—a former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and a moral authority on global justice—has issued a stark warning against "double standards" in upholding international law. "It's really very important that other countries do speak up, because we need to support the international rule of law. It's one of the great gains of humanity," Robinson stated, contrasting the robust condemnation of Russia's invasion of Ukraine with the tepid reaction to US-Israeli strikes on Iran.

Her message is clear: international law cannot be "à la carte." When powerful nations act with impunity, the entire framework designed to protect the vulnerable crumbles.

The joint US-Israeli attacks launched on February 28, 2026, targeting Iranian military and governmental sites and assassinating political leaders, raise profound legal questions under the United Nations Charter—the foundational treaty of the modern international system.

Article 2(4) of the UN Charter explicitly prohibits "the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state." Exceptions are narrowly defined: either authorization by the UN Security Council or self-defense against an actual armed attack.

Yet the US and Israel have not secured Security Council authorization for these strikes. Nor can they credibly claim self-defense under the strict legal standard required by international law. As UN Special Rapporteur Ben Saul has noted, lawful self-defense requires responding to an armed attack that is actual, not speculative. Preventive strikes aimed at disarmament, counterterrorism, or regime change do not meet this threshold—and may, in fact, constitute the international crime of aggression.

Legal scholars reinforce this assessment. The concept of "imminence" in international law requires a threat that is "instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means, and no moment for deliberation." The US justification—citing Iran's missile and nuclear programs—fails this test, especially given that diplomatic talks were ongoing when strikes commenced.

Rebecca Ingber, a professor and former US State Department adviser, has described the prohibition on the use of force as a "bedrock" principle. "States may not use force against the territorial integrity of other states except in two narrow circumstances," she explained—neither of which apply here.

The contrast with Western responses to other conflicts is glaring. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, Western governments swiftly invoked international law, imposed sweeping sanctions, and rallied global condemnation. Yet when the US and Israel—close allies of many Western capitals—launch strikes that kill hundreds, including civilians, and target critical infrastructure, the response has been markedly restrained.

Robinson highlighted this discrepancy pointedly: "We see aggression now by the United States and Israel on Iran, which is not justified on the Charter, which is illegal, and very few countries have spoken explicitly about it. They're trying to avoid."

This silence is not merely diplomatic caution; it is a betrayal of the principles Western nations claim to champion. When international law is enforced only against adversaries while allies operate with impunity, the system loses its legitimacy.

Beyond the Charter violations, the conduct of the conflict raises serious concerns under international humanitarian law. Reports of strikes on civilian sites—including an attack on a girls' school in Minab that killed at least 165 people—underscore the human toll of military escalation. Civilians are already paying the price for this escalation, and these strikes risk igniting a wider regional catastrophe.

Meanwhile, Iran's retaliatory strikes against regional targets also risk violating international law if they deliberately target civilians—a reminder that violations by one party do not justify violations by another. The war on Iran is another episode in the worrying trend of international law's unraveling.

Mary Robinson's intervention is more than criticism; it is a call to action. "Governments must be prepared to speak out" against violations of international law, regardless of the perpetrator. This means European leaders, in particular, must find the courage to state clearly that the attacks on Iran violate the UN Charter.

The stakes extend far beyond the Middle East. If the international community permits powerful states to rewrite the rules of engagement through force, we return to a world where might makes right—a world the UN Charter was designed to prevent.

The war on Iran is not merely a regional crisis; it is a test of whether the international community values law over expediency. By failing to condemn illegal uses of force by their allies, Western governments undermine the very system they claim to defend. As Robinson reminds us, double standards corrode the foundation of global justice.

If we believe in a rules-based order, we must apply those rules consistently. Anything less is not pragmatism—it is complicity. The time for selective silence is over. The time for principled leadership is now.